The Guangfu Society's meeting had a very orderly seating arrangement, modeled after the style of mountain bandits' assembly halls. Tao Chengzhang sat in the center, with various cadres arranged on both sides in order of status. This had already become the Guangfu Society's customary seating pattern.

"Tao Gong, more Hangzhou gentry want to give Zeng Yun a lavish burial," said a cadre within the Guangfu Society. Hearing this, almost all the Guangfu Society cadres showed expressions of impatience.

Zhejiang Governor Zeng Yun's official reputation wasn't particularly bad. If he hadn't stubbornly resisted in Hangzhou, his previous conduct couldn't be called harsh toward the revolutionaries. This high-ranking Qing official had died in the Battle of Hangzhou, and naturally the local Hangzhou gentry weren't exactly jubilant. The calls from Hangzhou gentry demanding the revolutionaries give Zeng Yun a lavish burial had never ceased. The gentry even said that if the Guangfu Society was unwilling to arrange a lavish burial, the gentry would pay for it themselves.

Tao Chengzhang naturally saw through the political games here. The dead should be honored; a lavish burial for Zeng Yun didn't violate custom. Even with the Guangfu Society in power, they couldn't find fault with it. However, these gentry had a deeper purpose: to gain a reputation through giving Zeng Yun a lavish burial. If the Qing drove the Guangfu Society away, they could naturally use their participation in Zeng Yun's lavish burial to seek their own security. At the very least, when the gentry defended themselves saying "I wasn't in cahoots with the Guangfu Society," it would be justified.

"These people really know how to maneuver!" Most Guangfu Society cadres came from landlord-gentry backgrounds and knew the gentry's thinking like the back of their hands. "Tao Gong, should we arrest a few die-hard Qing lackeys and make an example of them?"

The idea of making an example was indeed attractive to Tao Chengzhang, but as the leader of the Guangfu Society, he naturally couldn't be so reckless. Tao Chengzhang advised, "It's only human nature for them to have such thoughts. Jiangsu and Zhejiang still have the Viceroy of Liangjiang, still have the Jiangnan New Army, so naturally they have their considerations. Once we break Nanjing, these people won't have any extra thoughts."

This was the Guangfu Society's immediate strategy. After capturing Hangzhou, the only remaining organized enemies were the Jiangnan New Army in Nanjing, plus the Qing forces in Shanghai and Fujian. The Fujian Qing forces didn't dare move at all and weren't a major problem for now. It was the Shanghai Qing forces whose movements were unclear that the Guangfu Society was desperately trying to gather intelligence on. And the Guangfu Society's largest, most dangerous enemy before them was none other than the Jiangnan New Army in Nanjing. Nanjing wasn't far from Hangzhou, and in the current situation, Nanjing was sandwiched between the two revolutionary forces of the Guangfu Society and the People's Party. It was the Qing's last stronghold in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Once Nanjing was captured, the Guangfu Society and People's Party would be connected as one. With the People's Party blocking the Qing forces from the north and west, the Guangfu Society could focus on dealing with the east and south. The entire situation could be said to open up completely.

"Our Guangfu Society must take Nanjing!" The young and hot-blooded cadres in the Guangfu Society almost gnashed their teeth as they spoke. This strategic analysis wasn't difficult to make. Looking at the map the People's Party had provided to the Guangfu Society, one could clearly see the situation. Nanjing City was like a fat sheep surrounded by wolves, extremely eye-catching.

There were also some more mature and steady cadres in the Guangfu Society who offered advice: "If we attack Nanjing, our forces alone may be insufficient. We need to quickly have comrades from various Guangfu Society branches bring troops to assemble in Hangzhou and jointly attack Nanjing."

After listening, Tao Chengzhang nodded: "Provisions, weapons—these all need to be prepared first. Quickly have comrades from various places bring troops here. Once we take Nanjing, provisions and funds won't be a problem. Most importantly, seeing the Qing crumble at the first blow, popular support will also come our way."

The Guangfu Society cadres nodded in agreement. Tao Chengzhang's words represented their recent consensus. Whether local gentry or common people, none showed obvious support for the Guangfu Society. Although these people harbored various hostilities toward the People's Party, they all believed that the People's Party's current strength and influence was entirely built on a series of military victories.

"Tao Gong, didn't the People's Party medical team say they were leaving?" a cadre asked.

Hearing this question, Tao Chengzhang's face darkened. "Yes. Their team leader, Mr. Huang, said that since treatment of the wounded is complete, they'll leave tomorrow."

Hearing this news, the expressions of the Guangfu Society cadres changed from united determination to various different looks. Some were already anxiously saying: "Tao Gong, since we're about to attack Nanjing, our military doctors really aren't capable enough."

Tao Chengzhang's expression became even gloomier. He of course knew that the Guangfu Society's military doctors really weren't capable. To save the lives of Guangfu Society comrades including Qiu Jin, the inherently rather proud Tao Chengzhang had sincerely and earnestly asked Chen Ke for help. Chen Ke had also promptly sent a medical team. Up to this point, things had gone well.

As Tao Chengzhang saw it, the People's Party medical team's performance had been wholehearted and dedicated. As soon as they arrived in Hangzhou, they didn't rest but immediately began setting up treatment rooms, classifying the wounded Guangfu Army officers and soldiers by severity of injuries. They began providing treatment according to different treatment levels.

"I'd like to ask everyone what they think about this matter." The emotion in Tao Chengzhang's voice wasn't "unhappy" but "very unhappy."

The Guangfu Society cadres either lowered their heads or turned their faces to avoid Tao Chengzhang's stern gaze.

"We invited these people here. And this is how you treat them." Tao Chengzhang's voice contained barely suppressed anger. "I ask you all, if you went to the People's Party and treated the sick like this medical team's doctors, and the People's Party treated you the same way you treated them, how would you feel?"

The atmosphere in the meeting hall became increasingly awkward with Tao Chengzhang's questioning.

Seeing his comrades not speaking, Tao Chengzhang continued: "I originally thought to treat the medical team's doctors well, so that when we attack Nanjing, we wouldn't have to wait until after the battle to invite these people. Instead, we could invite the medical team to accompany us in attacking Nanjing. Think about what you've done—now how can I even bring this up!"

While Tao Chengzhang was berating the Guangfu Society comrades, the People's Party medical team comrades were also having a meeting. The medical team had a total of fifty-two doctors, nurses, and intern students. The army had sent two squads of soldiers as guards. Now the soldiers guarded the outside while the medical team's internal meeting was formally underway.

Everyone looked exhausted, and it was no wonder these comrades were exhausted. The People's Party medical team had been in Hangzhou for eight days. All the military doctors had only changed into surgical gowns; they hadn't even changed their regular clothes. When tired, they slept fully clothed. Besides eating and sleeping, all they did was treat and save people. The comrades were utterly exhausted.

"Comrades, I've already told the Guangfu Society that we're leaving tomorrow," said Huang Zhengchun, the medical team's temporary political commissar.

Hearing this news, the comrades below showed relaxed expressions.

Huang Zhengchun also smiled. "West Lake in Hangzhou is a beautiful place, but I feel in the current situation, there's no need for everyone to specifically go see West Lake. We don't need to invite trouble upon ourselves. No matter what the Guangfu Society says, we're definitely leaving tomorrow."

"Don't worry, Commissar Huang. Even if the Guangfu Society wanted us to stay here, we wouldn't stay. Seeing West Lake requires being in the mood. After seeing the faces of those Guangfu Society people, all desire to see West Lake is gone," said a comrade below.

Immediately another comrade agreed: "Exactly. If we want to see West Lake, we'll come specifically next time. Besides, when we go back we'll pass by Chaohu Lake—I think Chaohu is even more beautiful than West Lake."

All the comrades above and below indicated they would obey orders and immediately leave Hangzhou. Including the twenty intern students from the Anqing Medical School who also expressed their position. Although these teenagers didn't seem too eager to clearly express their attitudes.

Huang Zhengchun looked at the children's expressions and couldn't help but smile: "Young comrades, don't be afraid. If you want to see West Lake, just say so directly. You're children; you don't hold grudges. The matters between us adults have nothing to do with you."

After speaking, Huang Zhengchun said: "How about this—we'll send a squad to escort these young comrades to West Lake for a stroll. That way when they return to Anqing, they'll have something to tell their parents. What does everyone think?"

The People's Party comrades had a natural fondness for young people. These students weren't very old; some were only fourteen or fifteen, and the oldest were no more than seventeen.

Zhang Yu was never someone who was timid in his work. He knew well that Chen Ke was never worried about comrades having too strong work capabilities. In Anqing, Zhang Yu could be said to work with a free hand. Anqing had a very strong literary tradition, and the local masses valued education. Zhang Yu had opened several schools, mainly for ordinary people who couldn't afford schooling. The medical school was special: before enrollment, one had to sign a ten-year work contract upon graduation. Even with such harsh conditions, over two hundred people eventually enrolled. Zhang Yu had deliberately set such enrollment conditions; the medical school was special in nature—normally they were doctors, in wartime they were military doctors. If students still harbored fantasies of opening their own clinics after learning medicine, that would be irresponsible to the work.

Originally, Zhang Yu thought the local Anqing people might not have many applicants. He was quite wrong. As a treaty port city, Anqing's awareness of modern medicine wasn't bad. The harsh enrollment conditions and work contract instead gave the people an inexplicable sense of trust. If this school couldn't teach real skills, it wouldn't dare to openly propose such conditions.

The young people brought out this time were all outstanding students selected from the medical school, and in actual work, these children performed very satisfactorily. Although the medical team had a thousand kinds of anger toward the Guangfu Society, everyone was unwilling to let these children suffer along with them. Soon, a squad of soldiers escorted these children toward West Lake.

The conflict between the People's Party and the Guangfu Society was comprehensive. If one had to put it in ideological terms, this conflict was a clash of two political philosophies. Since they were having a meeting to discuss it, the medical team might as well thoroughly explain this matter, otherwise there would be no way to completely resolve the depression in everyone's hearts.

With the medical school students all gone, Huang Zhengchun spoke more directly: "Comrades, I've observed the overall situation quite a bit. Everyone has also told me a lot. My view is simple: these people in the Guangfu Society shout revolution with their mouths, but they just want to overthrow the Manchu Qing. They have no intention of carrying out a people's revolution at all. Each and every one of them thinks they're lords, that they're nobler than the people. In this respect, they're no different from the Manchu Qing."

The members of the medical team were all absolutely trustworthy people from the base area. Who would dare put people they didn't trust in positions that could determine everyone's life and death? Huang Zhengchun was a party member with very senior credentials. He had followed the People's Party since the Huangpu Bookstore era—an "old revolutionary." Before coming to Hangzhou this time, the Political Department had specially sent someone to talk with Huang Zhengchun. At the time, Huang Zhengchun hadn't fully understood the People's Party Political Department cadres' assessment of the Guangfu Society. Now he felt the Party organization's view of the Guangfu Society was completely correct.

The comrades below didn't have this level of understanding. Although they were also full of anger, their fury and dissatisfaction mostly came from their own experiences. They were far from reaching a political level of height. Hearing the commissar speak this way, the comrades couldn't help but ask: "Commissar, tell us about it."

Huang Zhengchun didn't hesitate to make his first judgment: "First, the Guangfu Society are not our revolutionary comrades. They came to us out of desperation, like seeking a doctor in an emergency. The Guangfu Society fundamentally doesn't trust us."

In December 1907, China didn't yet have "professional medical troublemakers." The high death rate that was commonplace in life allowed the common people to accept the fact of death with relative equanimity. If someone was saved, the doctor was skilled; if they couldn't be saved, the patient had bad luck. The common people generally held this simple view. The officers and soldiers in the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army even more so wouldn't doubt the military medical department. If someone couldn't be saved, absolutely no officers or soldiers would feel the doctors hadn't tried hard enough.

Moreover, Chen Ke had never had any fondness for medical troublemakers. The base area had long promulgated the "Medical Incident Regulations." Anyone who believed there were medical problems could appeal to the Medical Management Committee. However, those who caused trouble at hospitals—the regulations clearly stated—regardless of whether they were right or wrong, would first be detained for seven days to observe their behavior. If you didn't trust the hospital, you could choose not to go to the hospital for treatment. Once you went to the hospital, it meant you'd entrusted your life to the doctors. If this kind of trust relationship couldn't be established, Chen Ke felt there was no need to accept such patients.

Therefore, the entire medical department on one hand emphasized the "revolutionary humanitarian spirit of healing the wounded and rescuing the dying," and on the other hand equally emphasized "the need to establish basic mutual trust between doctors and patients." Doctors were also citizens; there was no reason to order one group of citizens to give unilaterally. This attitude was not scientific.

"Hmph." Some comrades sneered. Other comrades expressed complete agreement with this.

"Second, the Guangfu Society still has the old thinking that having power and status means they can possess everything." Huang Zhengchun's next judgment was extremely severe. In the base area, if someone was labeled with this, needless to say, this comrade would definitely be transferred from their position and undergo education.

Doctors, especially Western doctors, all had an implicit consensus: whether you were an emperor, general, scholar, beauty, beggar, hoodlum, monk, or Taoist priest, stripped naked and cut open, physiologically there was no difference. The idea that all people are born the same, in the eyes of doctors, was merely a piece of "repeatedly verified" common sense. Doctors were most likely to accept the concept that "all people are created equal"—this was a scientific attitude they had to uphold in their professional field. If a doctor thought that a patient's high status meant their physiological structure would differ from ordinary people, that would definitely be harming people rather than treating illness.

The Guangfu Society clearly lacked this kind of philosophy from top to bottom. Ironically, the more lowly-born Guangfu Society members were actually more respectful toward the People's Party medical team. This wasn't just respect for life-savers, but also a quite simple and traditional respect for intellectuals. The higher the status of the wounded, the stronger the sense of condescension from those in power toward intellectuals. Various things that completely contradicted the People's Party's basic operating model kept appearing.

For example, in the People's Party, battlefield treatment was classified by injury severity. If a regiment commander was lightly wounded, perhaps they could be treated first among those with light wounds. But under no circumstances could a doctor in the middle of surgery on a critically wounded patient be made to drop their patient and come bandage the regiment commander. This example was a public topic widely discussed in the People's Party and the army, aimed at clarifying what was meant by "fairness," while also clarifying why they opposed "absolute egalitarianism."

After arriving at the Guangfu Society, the People's Party military doctors of course operated according to People's Party regulations and philosophy. But the Guangfu Society distinguished relationships between people according to status rather than systems. The first to be sent in were a group of relatively high-status cadres. Some of these wounded had been injured for several days, and some with through-and-through wounds had even begun healing. Some even had just simple scrapes. Despite this, upon learning that Western doctors had come, these people immediately took it for granted that they should come and demand treatment first.

Medical team leader Huang Zhengchun was only twenty-eight years old, already considered "relatively old" among comrades in the base area. Since his days in Shanghai following the People's Party, after more than two years, when had he ever seen such "unreasonable" people? Tao Chengzhang had already clearly and explicitly handed the entire military hospital entirely over to the People's Party medical team to manage. Without a second word, Huang Zhengchun classified treatment order by injury severity.

Those higher-status Guangfu Society cadres initially didn't know the organizational structure of the People's Party medical team, so they mistakenly thought those examining and bandaging them were doctors. When they learned these young kids were just intern students who had been in medical school for less than half a year, the conflict immediately erupted.

In the eyes of these lightly wounded Guangfu Society cadres, with my status, at least some of the highest-level doctors should come take a look at me. Getting some intern students who've only been in school for half a year—you're treating human life like grass. The People's Party medical team believed: the one responsible for classifying medical treatment levels was the most experienced surgeon in the team. In the base area, cadres of tremendous rank didn't make a peep when receiving their treatment assignments—who did these lightly wounded Guangfu Society cadres think they were?

Young people all liked to argue stubbornly. The Guangfu Society cadres considered themselves "people of status," while the People's Party medical team completely adhered to the "revolutionary humanitarian spirit of healing the wounded and rescuing the dying." "Hierarchy of status" versus "equality for all"—these two philosophies immediately clashed fiercely. Fortunately, Tao Chengzhang could keep things under control, and the medical team didn't oppose prioritizing treatment for cadres among those with equal injuries. The first wave of conflict was barely suppressed.

Seeing his comrades accept his viewpoint, Huang Zhengchun went on to make a new judgment about the Guangfu Society: "Third, the Guangfu Society doesn't understand science, doesn't follow science, and doesn't learn science."

This was a new conflict that erupted after the injury classification issue—the "Maggot Incident." Chen Ke had previously read quite a few novels with cases of using "maggots" to treat festering wounds. This was indeed a treatment method the British used during World War I. The base area lacked antibacterial drugs, so whether indigenous or foreign, any useful method was employed. Medical flies and maggots were all cultured bacteria-free for over a dozen generations and absolutely wouldn't cause any bacterial infection issues. This had already become a fairly common method in the base area for treating festering external wounds.

The bumpkins in the Guangfu Society had no idea about such medical matters. When treating those with festering wounds, some people screamed in horror at the time, immediately alarming the entire wounded soldiers' barracks. Even Tao Chengzhang, upon learning of this situation, ran over in fright to ask what was going on. Even though Tao Chengzhang had met Chen Ke and had basic trust in the People's Party, when he saw the dense white maggots wriggling on the soldiers' festering wounds—red and white, covered with pus—Tao Chengzhang's stomach also contracted repeatedly, with the food in his stomach having a strong tendency to burst forth.

Getting the Guangfu Society people to accept this treatment method—even Tao Chengzhang didn't know where to begin. Fortunately, the Guangfu Society had also rounded up captured Qing soldiers. It was easy to find some with festering wounds among them. Ten Qing soldiers who could be controlled were selected; all had frighteningly festering wounds. After treating them with the maggot method, the originally sickly soldiers showed no signs of their condition worsening, and instead their wounds quickly scabbed over. With Tao Chengzhang's strong suppression, plus the rapid recovery of soldiers treated with maggots, the situation was barely kept under control.

Listening to Huang Zhengchun criticize the Guangfu Society point by point, the medical team comrades also felt much more relieved. These comrades were also young people. Young people were actually often prone to "stubbornness on principles," but if they could be proven completely correct, the medical team was all young male comrades, and everyone wasn't that petty. After fiercely criticizing the Guangfu Society, this anger had dissipated considerably.

"Commissar Huang. Let's just not provoke the Guangfu Society next time; let this one go." Someone expressed a tolerant attitude. After all, the medical team were all doctors. As healers, as members of a revolutionary force, they naturally got angry when encountering unpleasant things. Once this anger was resolved, everyone naturally became tolerant.

Huang Zhengchun was the same as everyone else. Although some people in the Guangfu Society behaved quite improperly, overall the Guangfu Society had been cooperative. And there was one thing—these young military doctors and nurses also felt guilty about in their hearts. This guilt greatly alleviated the medical team's dislike of the Guangfu Society.

One of the most difficult injuries to treat on the battlefield was when bullets remained in the body. A bullet entering from one side and exiting from the other was a through-and-through wound. Through-and-through wounds looked like large wounds with heavy bleeding, but as long as no major arteries were broken or injured, once the bleeding was stopped and infection prevented, they actually weren't likely to cause problems. The type where the bullet remained in the body required surgery to remove the bullet. And heaven knows what filth the bullet might have brought into the body. Metal bullet fragments remaining in the body could also cause changes in the body—these were extremely difficult to treat. If the bullet left multiple fragments in the body, it was even harder to treat.

The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army's field hospital had always followed the troops on the battlefield and truly had no experience treating wounds that were over ten days old. Among the Guangfu Society wounded with bullets that hadn't been removed, some wounds had surface healing, some had festered. Once cut open, bacteria might enter the bloodstream—that could be fatal.

Tao Chengzhang was a magnanimous person. He knew that without timely treatment, there would be many deaths. So he clearly stated: regardless of whether they could be saved or not, the Guangfu Society would only be grateful for the People's Party's life-saving grace. As a result, the young people of the People's Party medical team really took him at his word. These "naive children," despite having conflicts with the Guangfu Society, really had their minds full of thoughts of saving people and completely hadn't considered that they were no longer in the base area. Everyone racked their brains to formulate surgical plans; the lead surgeons even rested a few extra hours before surgery to be in peak mental condition for the operations.

As expected, during the two days of surgery, out of over a hundred such critically wounded patients, nine couldn't live through the operating table. The remaining wounded all weren't doing well after surgery. This was unavoidable—these hundred-plus people had been wounded for over ten days and their physical strength had been considerably depleted. After surgery, their conditions naturally couldn't improve immediately. On the first day after surgery, five more wounded died.

Feeling guilty about those who died during surgery was a common sentiment among these doctors. "If I could have paid a little more attention to that blood vessel, if I could have been more careful making the incision, then the wounded might have survived."

If a doctor couldn't save a patient during surgery and felt no guilt at all, only thinking "I did my utmost; this patient's death was purely bad luck"—such a doctor was unqualified. The People's Party absolutely wouldn't dare entrust soldiers' lives to such cold-blooded doctors. So when training doctors, ideological education in this regard was equally kept up. As long as one was willing to diligently study and research, medical skills would constantly improve. But if medical ethics were corrupted, that doctor was basically beyond saving.

As the political commissar, Huang Zhengchun felt that even if these comrades' "humanitarian spirit" made everyone more tolerant of the Guangfu Society's rudeness, he still considered this a good thing.

As the People's Party meeting was reaching its end, the Guangfu Society meeting was proceeding with difficulty. Tao Chengzhang and most of the Guangfu Society cadres shared a consensus: when attacking Nanjing, they should have a professional military hospital if possible. The dare-to-die warriors were now the Guangfu Society's true trump card. Since they weren't even afraid of death, it meant these people had to be committed to battles extremely close to death. Setting aside the morale-boosting effect of a military hospital on troops, merely out of their own conscience, these dare-to-die warriors who formed the Guangfu Society's backbone had to be treated to the best ability once wounded. The Guangfu Society didn't have a military medical team like the People's Party's, and they were desperately searching for doctors in Shanghai. By the time the People's Party medical team had basically completed treatment and was preparing to return to Anhui, they still hadn't been able to find surgeons in Shanghai willing to come to Hangzhou.

Tao Chengzhang hadn't recognized the deep-rooted contradictions between the People's Party and the Guangfu Society. What he cared about was the comprehensive surface-level conflict.

Before surgery, Tao Chengzhang had strictly ordered the Guangfu Society cadres: regardless of whether patients could be saved, they were not permitted to cause trouble for the People's Party medical team. The Guangfu Society cadres had all agreed. In the early external wound treatment, no one died, and all the wounded's conditions had improved. But when suddenly over a dozen died during and after surgery—these people had been fine originally; they had only died after receiving surgery—the relatives of the deceased naturally couldn't accept this given the huge psychological gap.

The medical team's prior notification was understood as an excuse to shirk responsibility. Actually, there was medical troublemaking in this era too. When patients from wealthy families sought treatment and the doctor couldn't cure them, if the wealthy family caused trouble, it wasn't unusual for the doctor to be ruined. There were even cases ending in death. In this Battle of Hangzhou, the Guangfu Society cadres had also charged at the front of attacking formations, and quite a few cadres were wounded. Six of the deceased were cadres, and their relatives in the Guangfu Society were also cadres. These people didn't dare rush into the wounded soldiers' barracks to attack the medical team, but they dared to point at the medical team and curse loudly.

What Tao Chengzhang didn't know was that the People's Party medical team actually didn't mind this sort of thing. They could understand that relatives and comrades couldn't immediately accept being torn apart by death. "The Five Stages of Grief"—denial, anger, bargaining, depression to acceptance. This was psychological knowledge that surgeons generally had to learn.

Chen Ke loved watching American TV dramas. Although there was no data or empirical support, these theories had been popular in the West for quite a long time, and Chen Ke also accepted this kind of knowledge that was fairly practical for guidance in real life.

What Tao Chengzhang was most worried about was that this kind of accusation would cause the People's Party medical team to never cooperate with the Guangfu Society again. Although Tao Chengzhang's analysis of the situation differed greatly from the People's Party's understanding, the results happened to coincide somewhat.