Xu Xilin spent ten days inspecting the Fengtai County base area and finally met with Chen Ke before leaving. The People's Party expressed sufficient sincerity to the Restoration Society. regarding the upcoming Nanjing campaign by the Restoration Society, the People's Party indicated they could dispatch a medical team, no smaller in number than the one sent previously, to provide battlefield medical treatment. As for the question of whether to send troops to help, Xu Xilin didn't bring it up, and Chen Ke didn't mention it either. Xu Xilin also hoped the People's Party could provide support in terms of firearms, ammunition, and money. He stated that once Nanjing was conquered, the Restoration Society would certainly repay them.

Regarding this request, which was like throwing a meat bun at a dog—gone forever—Chen Ke said he could discuss it with the comrades. And Chen Ke really did bring up this matter at the regular meeting. It was just that at this time, the comrades were not fond of Chen Ke, and the discussion was not enthusiastic at all. In the end, it was decided to support the Restoration Society with three hundred rifles and fifteen thousand rounds of ammunition.

Xu Xilin returned to Hangzhou with these results, which by no means could be considered meager, but most comrades of the Restoration Society didn't feel happy at all.

"The People's Party wiped out tens of thousands of New Army soldiers; surely they can take out a thousand guns?"

"Only guns? No aid in money and grain?"

"Doctors come and go; at least leave some doctors here with us. Do we not get sick normally?"

Those speaking were all Restoration Society cadres with no experience in raising money and grain. To them, revolution meant taking up weapons and attacking the big cities entrenched by the Manchu Qing. Just like what they had done in southern Zhejiang, ever since the capture of Hangzhou, the revolution in Zhejiang immediately became blazing hot. Except for Shanghai, the Restoration Army began to attack prefectures and counties everywhere. The troops Zhejiang could gather had been wiped out in one net at Hangzhou. The Restoration Army did not encounter strong resistance.

Of course, compared to the previous speeches by young Restoration Society cadres who didn't know the height of the sky or the depth of the earth, these remarks were actually "restrained" enough. Moreover, there weren't many cadres at the meeting. At this time, Hangzhou had become a great gathering place. People of all stripes speaking various Jiangsu and Zhejiang accents gathered in Hangzhou one after another. They came in response to Tao Chengzhang's call. There was only one goal: to conquer Nanjing.

In less than a month, the situation in Zhejiang had turned upside down, which greatly exceeded Xu Xilin's imagination. The mood that should have been excited didn't really get excited. After explaining the mission to Anhui, Xu Xilin went to visit Qiu Jin. Qiu Jin's surgery was very successful; both bullets in her body had been removed. Her face still lacked color, but it was no longer that sickly pallor or flush.

Seeing Xu Xilin return, Qiu Jin was naturally happy. Seeing that Qiu Jin's injuries had improved a lot, Xu Xilin's hanging heart also settled back into his belly. Both had been to the base area, so talking about the trip to Anhui naturally gave them a common language. Both had a strong feeling about the intense sense of order displayed by the base area. It had been more than half a year since Qiu Jin last went to the base area. Listening to Xu Xilin describe the appearance of the base area, Qiu Jin recalled the situation she saw last time and lamented that the speed of the People's Party's development was beyond imagination.

Xu Xilin sighed, "Xuanqing, coming back this time, I suddenly had a thought. Why does the People's Party led by Wen Qing far surpass the Yue Wang Society and also far surpass our Restoration Society? It lies in Wen Qing's ability to mobilize the common people. This time I returned to Hangzhou, and we are going to attack Nanjing. Inside Hangzhou city, our Restoration Society people are everywhere. Only now do I have a feeling of sudden enlightenment. When inspecting Anhui, the People's Party members and cadres in each place in Anhui were actually not numerous. But these party members and cadres are spread all over Anhui. Although they have many troops, they are also stationed in various places. In wartime, they fight; in peacetime, they also have to engage in a lot of infrastructure work. Building water conservancy projects, dredging river channels. There are even farms and factories belonging to the army. The People's Party, with tens of thousands of people, has completely managed Anhui with its population of ten million. Directing them like using one's arms and fingers, scheduling effectively. The several great victories seem to be by no means a fluke."

Last time, Qiu Jin went to demand the return of the female students from Chen Ke, so she hadn't looked at things so much or so carefully. Listening to Xu Xilin speak at length, she was also quite full of praise.

Xu Xilin continued, "Look at our attack on Jinling (Nanjing) this time. Nearly ten thousand people have gathered in Hangzhou city. Leaving aside that these comrades do not belong to each other, we completely have no one in the prefectures and counties we conquered in various places. I actually think privately, so what if we don't attack Jinling? If we were like Anhui, rectifying the order of the Restoration Society and also building a new government. If these ten thousand people could organize five hundred thousand people, it wouldn't be difficult to train ten or twenty thousand elite soldiers from them. Then wouldn't attacking Jinling be as easy as turning over a hand?"

Qiu Jin nodded slowly but said, "Time waits for no one. If we don't sweep away the Manchu Qing forces in Jiangsu and Zhejiang now, we certainly won't have peace."

"Why is it us who won't have peace? Right now, the ones who are startled three times a day should be the Manchu Qing," Xu Xilin replied.

This answer confused Qiu Jin for a moment. Yes, the ones who felt most surprised and panicked now were the Manchu Qing. Why couldn't Qiu Jin have this feeling? She only felt a heavy pressure. Did the experience in Chizhou make Qiu Jin lose confidence in herself?

"Bosun, Zhejiang is surrounded by enemies on all sides. Without taking Jinling, we are indeed struggling," Qiu Jin gave an explanation she didn't even believe herself.

Xu Xilin disapproved of this. "Is Anhui not surrounded by enemies on all sides? Why is it that when we mention Anhui, we feel the People's Party attacks out in all directions, but when we mention Zhejiang, we are surrounded by enemies on all sides? If the common people of Zhejiang were like those in Anhui, following our Restoration Society in revolution, with Zhejiang's large population and fertile land, we could very well attack out in all directions."

Although Qiu Jin was injured, her heroic spirit had not been worn away. Hearing Xu Xilin speak decisively, Qiu Jin nodded vigorously. "Then what thoughts do you have, Bosun?"

"We must attack Jinling at present, but only to expel the Manchu Qing forces and control tax revenue and finance. To collect taxes in Zhejiang, the landlords and gentry are absolutely unavoidable. If we can't conquer Jinling, the gentry won't sincerely support our Restoration Society. But from what I saw in Anhui, the People's Party doesn't care about the landlords and gentry at all. Moreover..." Speaking to here, Xu Xilin stopped talking.

The People's Party seized ruling power in Anhui by eliminating the landlords and gentry; Xu Xilin already understood this clearly. Without the landlords and gentry, plus the People's Party fully taking over local operations, Xu Xilin saw the prosperity of Fengtai County clearly. But all along this way, Xu Xilin just couldn't genuinely accept doing this in Zhejiang. And even if Xu Xilin was determined to do so, there were so many cadres in the Restoration Society who came from landlord and gentry backgrounds; these people wouldn't really agree.

After Qiu Jin was seriously injured, everyone dared not let her move again, so she didn't know much about the Restoration Society's recent movements. Seeing Xu Xilin hesitate so much, Qiu Jin pressed, "Bosun, why don't you continue."

Xu Xilin finally said, "I think in the current situation, the Restoration Society must co-govern Zhejiang with the gentry. If they are enlightened gentry willing to cooperate, then give them power and positions. If they insist on being buried with the Manchu Qing, then we absolutely cannot show mercy. If we can't act like this as soon as possible, our Restoration Society absolutely cannot withstand the slightest failure."

After listening, Qiu Jin nodded slightly, her eyes already brightening. "Since the end of last year, we've fought so many times in Anhui, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang. Originally, we thought that as long as we could raise the great banner and wave our arms, the world would definitely be like dry wood and raging fire. Not to speak of far away, these five provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Anhui, and Jiangxi would immediately rise up against the Qing together. As a result, many battles have been fought, but wherever there is anti-Qing territory now, without exception, it was won by fighting. Duke Tao strongly wants to conquer Jinling, and this is also the intention. But looking at it now, among the various parties, Wen Qing's People's Party is the leader. Once you said this, Bosun, I became clear: Wen Qing not only can fight but can also govern."

After all, she was just recovering from a serious illness. Qiu Jin was already panting after speaking up to here and couldn't go on. Tao Chengzhang nodded heavily. Qiu Jin pointed out that waiting for the Manchu Qing to collapse on its own seemed completely unrealistic. Although various forces were dissatisfied with the Manchu Qing, it was impossible for them to rise up in response to a call. To completely eliminate the Manchu Qing, the concept of using armed force to completely overthrow the Manchu Qing must be implemented. Although Tao Chengzhang also had such a feeling, he couldn't speak as clearly as Qiu Jin.

Tao Chengzhang nodded vigorously. "That's right. Going to Anhui personally this time, I've understood. If we want to fight, we must first be able to govern. With the current situation, just raising an army for a moment absolutely won't do. No need to say much; the money and grain in our Restoration Society's hands right now are absolutely not enough to last six months. If we can't govern, then there's no grain or pay. As long as the Manchu Qing can pressure us, within a year we will fall apart on our own."

The two reached a consensus and were both overjoyed. However, the Restoration Society actually hadn't discussed much on how to "govern" Zhejiang. Because in the Restoration Society's philosophy, government taxation was actually an "evil deed," something that could only be done when there was no other choice. Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin's new view was that they must be able to collect taxes extremely effectively to support the long-term progress of the revolution. Quite a few key members in the Restoration Society were private smugglers and secret society members; they hated taxation immensely. If the Restoration Society had a reason, it was to be able to not pay taxes. Although Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin were both important cadres in the Restoration Society, if they proposed suggestions to rectify taxation, it would probably be extremely difficult to pass easily.

Thinking of this, Xu Xilin couldn't help but sigh. He now suddenly understood why Chen Ke spent great effort to establish a government while forcefully destroying the landlords and gentry. The People's Party government managed the common people directly, so collecting taxes was naturally convenient. Plus, the People's Party farmed land and opened factories themselves, and this income naturally entered the government's hands. That was why the People's Party could have such strong financial power.

"Xuanqing, I'll go find Duke Tao to discuss this matter right now." Xu Xilin felt he couldn't wait any longer. If he waited on this kind of matter, he didn't know when it would drag on until.

"That's not necessary. I'll have someone invite Duke Tao over. Let's discuss this privately first. If others know about this kind of thing, I'm afraid it will cause quite a stir." Qiu Jin was a woman after all, and her methods were much softer than Xu Xilin's.

Tao Chengzhang heard that Qiu Jin's "condition had relapsed" and was quite anxious in his heart. He pushed aside the matters at hand and rushed over. Listening to Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin's new ideas by the sickbed, Tao Chengzhang remained silent in contemplation.

"Overthrowing the Manchu Qing is a long-term war; it's impossible to rely on a quick victory." Tao Chengzhang could now completely agree with this conclusion. "Co-governing Zhejiang with the gentry." Tao Chengzhang didn't like this very much. The gentry were basically all landlords, and Tao Chengzhang opposed land mergers. The revolutionaries in the Restoration Society who came from yeoman farmer backgrounds were not few. Compared to landlords, the money these yeoman farmers could take out wasn't much. Then the landlords who took out the most money would naturally demand more. If they gathered the Jiangsu and Zhejiang gentry in the name of "co-governance," but those who paid more didn't get benefits, wouldn't that force the landlords to rise up against the Restoration Society?

The theoretician in the Restoration Society, Zhang Taiyan, strongly opposed parliamentary democracy. He believed parliamentary democracy was a system where the rich had the final say. Xu Xilin's view certainly made sense, and if really implemented, it would naturally be helpful to the revolution in the near term. But in the long run, there were also many harms.

Tao Chengzhang actually also wanted to ask Xu Xilin about his feelings on visiting the People's Party base area, but things were busy at the time, and he didn't have time. Now that he was "tricked" here by Qiu Jin, he might as well resolve this matter.

Listening to Xu Xilin explain the People's Party base area's administrative measures, Tao Chengzhang could still smile when hearing about various government operations and land equalization mentioned earlier. But when he heard that the People's Party leveled the great powerful families in the various fortified villages and fully suppressed the landlords and gentry, Tao Chengzhang could no longer smile.

The targets the People's Party struck at were precisely one of the main forces of the Restoration Society. Although the achievements the People's Party had established so far were impressive, if the Restoration Society acted like this, it would collapse itself first. This was a route Tao Chengzhang absolutely could not imitate and was absolutely unwilling to imitate.

Although there was no definite evidence, Tao Chengzhang now believed that the People's Party led by Chen Ke must have a complete revolutionary program. If there weren't such a thing, the People's Party should be like the Restoration Society now, stuck in a dilemma.

If Chen Ke had the ability of telepathy and could hear Tao Chengzhang's thoughts at this moment, he would probably tell Tao Chengzhang in a sympathetic tone, "Grandpa Mao said long ago: Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is the primary question of the revolution."

On this point, Chen Ke always had the firmest stance. Whether playing open schemes or hidden conspiracies, the bloody facts Chen Ke saw from history had long told him who was a friend and who was an enemy. But precisely because he had such a firm stance first, precisely because he had the confidence that it was impossible to recognize an enemy as a friend, Chen Ke dared to fully utilize the contradictions between enemies instead.

Personally arriving in this era and knowing things he hadn't known before, Chen Ke had a new understanding of how Yuan Shikai usurped the Manchu Qing's power. Chen Ke now believed that Yuan Shikai didn't plan to overthrow the Manchu Qing from the very beginning. Yuan Shikai definitely wanted to be a powerful minister; this was beyond doubt. However, Cixi's traditional political skill of not letting any force become dominant checked Yuan Shikai. In this regard, Cixi was really a "traditional politician." For any matter, Cixi's consideration was not the matter itself, but how to use this incident to adjust the structure of the Manchu Qing court to achieve the result of not letting any force become too big. Cixi certainly gained some power because she gave birth to the only son of the Xianfeng Emperor, but for this old lady to be able to call the wind and summon the rain for decades, she relied on this unique political skill. If comparing just this ability, Chen Ke admitted defeat.

However, this skill of political balancing might work in the old era, but it absolutely wouldn't work in this new industrialized era. Industry stresses specialization, institutionalization, and precise management. Once any country adopts industrialized production methods, it must have systems and operational methods that match it politically. Cixi's set of power tactics ran completely counter to industrialization.

Although Chen Ke was disliked by the comrades because he revealed the expectations and plans for the next thirty years, the efficiency of the base area's operations did not decrease because of this. High-ranking cadres could dislike Chen Ke, but faced with mountains of work, if they didn't handle and solve it in an organized way, problems would immediately arise in the work. So being satisfied or dissatisfied with Chen Ke was a private matter; in public business, comrades still had to obey Chen Ke's command according to the system.

Just when Tao Chengzhang, Xu Xilin, and Qiu Jin were racking their brains over the question of who is the enemy and who is the friend, Chen Ke convened a cadre meeting. At the meeting, he recounted his bold plan.

The base area's steel inventory was mainly the batch of steel bought from the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works before the capture of Anqing. Now the inventory was basically exhausted. And before the spring plowing of 1908, to implement land reform, there had to be enough metal farm tools to put into the areas preparing to complete land reform. The output of the newly mined pyrite in the base area was not high, only a dozen tons a day. Moreover, desulfurization processing equipment was even more insufficient. One of the values of pyrite was that the sulfur it contained could be used to produce industrial sulfuric acid. High-temperature desulfurization of large chunks of pyrite was fundamentally undesirable. If they wanted to crush this pyrite, they needed steel crushers. Leaving aside whether the base area had the mechanical ability to design and produce this crushing device, even if it were designed, there was no steel to manufacture this device.

Chen Ke's idea was to obtain control of the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works, or at least obtain the sales rights for the steel produced by the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works. More bluntly, it was to get the steel from the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works.

If Chen Ke were to seize the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works by force, he could indeed capture the factory area. But the transportation of iron ore and coke would become a new problem. Rather than creating new problems endlessly like this, it was better to try to master the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works. Having defeated the Hubei New Army this time, and with the opportunity of Yuan Shikai wanting to redeem the captured Beiyang officers, Chen Ke decided to fully utilize this opportunity to stick his hand into the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works.

Listening to Chen Ke's plan, the high-ranking cadres who originally looked serious all relaxed to varying degrees. Almost all comrades felt that Chen Ke might show signs of madness. But this plan continued Chen Ke's consistent style—that is to say, it was definitely not thought up by slapping his head just now, but premeditated long ago. And this premeditation was also built on the foundation of many previous successful actions.

Yan Fu spoke first this time. "Chairman Chen, I'd like to ask, when did you start planning this operation?"

The handsome old man knew clearly that before Chen Ke shook out his crazy plan for the next thirty years, he had asked Yan Fu to conduct foreign language training. No need to ask more; it was definitely for this matter of the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works.

Chen Ke answered frankly, "Probably when I asked Mr. Yan to buy steel last time, I had this plan. However, many preparations weren't completed at that time. Now that the opportunity has arrived, I naturally want to realize this plan."

"Then what is the extension plan related to this plan?" Yan Fu immediately pursued. This was the thing that stifled Yan Fu the most. Being kept in the dark and treated like a puppet on strings—no one would accept this arrangement.

Chen Ke answered frankly, "Next, on one hand, use this steel to produce farm tools; on the other hand, use this steel to produce hot bulb engines, and continue to develop the pyrite mine in Hefei."

"And after that?" Yan Fu continued to pursue.

Chen Ke stood up and pointed to the place known as "Ma'anshan" in later generations on the map. "Wait until we control this area. There is high-quality iron ore in this belt, better than the Daye Iron Mine. We will use our Anhui coal and the ore here to produce even higher quality iron ore."

Yan Fu didn't pursue further; he just nodded. Chen Ke's answer proved Chen Ke wasn't crazy. Not only was he not crazy, but Chen Ke's thinking was very clear, and his consciousness was completely normal. It didn't match the image of a "charlatan" talking big about the development of the next few decades in the clouds.

The next to ask was You Gou. "Chairman Chen, why don't we seize this area directly now?"

"This is Jiangsu. This area is on the opposite bank from Nanjing. If we want to fight over, we first have to solve Nanjing. Using Nanjing to screen this core industrial zone. Poking Nanjing would be a bigger trouble. Our current strength is completely insufficient." Chen Ke answered You Gou's question clearly and briskly.

If it were before, everyone would naturally be enthusiastic about this plan. But the emotion when struggling alone was completely different from the emotion when realizing one was just a member of a decades-long plan arranged by others long ago. If they had known this blueprint for the future from the beginning, it would have been better. Suddenly receiving this shock when they were halfway through and full of ambition—the feeling of loss was definitely not something that could be recovered in a short while.

Chen Ke hadn't expected his expectations would have such a negative effect. He originally thought that even if the comrades couldn't fully understand, they would at least be aroused in spirit and united in will. Since the attendees of this meeting were all members who listened to the lecture last time, Chen Ke simply opened up and said, "Comrades, I can see everyone is very unhappy. I hope everyone upholds the principle of democratic centralism of our People's Party and speaks the words in their hearts."

After speaking, Chen Ke scanned the comrades at the meeting, waiting for everyone to speak.

Yuwen Badu looked at Chen Ke with innocent eyes; he didn't have any dissatisfaction with Chen Ke at all. Yuwen Badu actually didn't understand much of what Chen Ke explained; the massive amount of information only made Yuwen Badu feel extremely confused and puzzled. Yuwen Badu just wasn't used to Chen Ke's high-spirited emotions. There were a few comrades who shared his feeling. They naturally chose not to make a sound.

The first among these cadres to come out and speak was Qin Wuan, the Head of the Logistics Department who usually didn't like to speak up proactively. Qin Wuan joined the People's Party organization at the same time as He Zudao. He sat steadily in the position of Head of Logistics with his honesty and willingness to work. Just looking at emotions, Qin Wuan wasn't dissatisfied with Chen Ke. Now he was the first to stand up and speak. This surprised quite a few comrades.

"Chairman Chen, I have always admired you. I still admire you very much now," Qin Wuan said calmly.

Hearing this opening remark, Hua Xiongmao's gaze immediately became very unfriendly. This kind of opening often meant strong opposition. Although Hua Xiongmao was equally unhappy with Chen Ke's training this time in his heart, this didn't mean Hua Xiongmao approved of anyone coming out to challenge Chen Ke's authority and status.

Qin Wuan ignored others completely and continued, "Our People's Party was indeed founded by you, Chairman Chen, and I don't have the ability to criticize the details of the thirty-year plan you proposed. The only thing I can't accept is that you, Chairman Chen, cannot violate organizational principles and forcibly make this thirty-year plan the guiding direction for the Party's future work. If these contents are discussed in the Party Committee and pass a Party Committee resolution, then I will absolutely execute them seriously. However, making an undiscussed plan the direction—I do not agree with this practice."

Hearing these words, the dissatisfied emotions on the faces of many comrades were instantly relieved. In fact, there were many reasons for everyone's dissatisfaction; many comrades didn't even know clearly what they were dissatisfied about. In just a few short days, everyone came into contact with too much new knowledge and heard too many new views in one go. The confusion brought by these impacts combined with some indescribable emotions, plunging the comrades into considerable puzzlement.

Not only the comrades who felt dissatisfied with Chen Ke, but even those who strongly supported Chen Ke expressed great agreement with Qin Wuan's fair words. Everyone's eyes fell on Chen Ke's face. They saw that Chen Ke was neither angry nor lost. Instead, he revealed a look of sudden enlightenment.

"If comrades feel dissatisfied about this matter, it is as it should be. It was my own lack of consideration. I did wrong." Chen Ke admitted his mistake frankly.

"That means, if not discussed by the Party Committee, the training content you created, Chairman Chen, will not become a Party resolution," Qin Wuan continued to ask.

Chen Ke answered loudly, "That's right. In our Party's constitution, it absolutely does not recognize content undiscussed by the Party Committee becoming a Party resolution."

Qin Wuan's expression remained calm. "Then from an organizational perspective, I don't have any objections. Of course, from a personal perspective, I always support Chairman Chen and support the Party Central Committee. Even if I personally didn't completely understand Chairman Chen's training content, I think the training content still makes a lot of sense. That's all the opinion I have."

Qin Wuan's statement was like an antidote, dissolving the negative emotions accumulated in the comrades' hearts these days almost completely. Of course, this was also because everyone didn't have the slightest thought of holding Chen Ke accountable. Every comrade wanted to resolve the unhappiness in their hearts, not to overturn Chen Ke from the position of Chairman. Ultimately, the comrades had extreme trust in Chen Ke's personal character. If after Qin Wuan criticized Chen Ke, Chen Ke had explained his actions, that would have probably exceeded the comrades' expectations.

Qin Wuan's reasonable, well-grounded, and restrained statement made many people look at him with new eyes. Everyone's gazes were cast on Qin Wuan, while Qin Wuan sat quietly in his seat as usual, with neither fear nor reserve in his expression.

Chen Ke really had mixed feelings in his heart, with joy occupying a huge proportion. As far as Chen Ke's true intention was concerned, his devotion to Party organization construction was a rational instinct. But in his sensibility, he often forgot the basic principles of the Party organization. And Qin Wuan's persistence on the Party's basic principles this time gave Chen Ke a great sense of security. In the past, Chen Ke always felt he had to rely on himself to prop up the Party organization and the base area. Even facing comrades, he had to carefully consider what exactly to say to give the comrades the most positive guidance. This heavy feeling sometimes even pressed on him so hard he couldn't breathe. Chen Ke often had to forget this pressure through crazy work; only by constantly promoting the development of the base area and strengthening the Party's ability could Chen Ke feel safe.

Today, when the comrades used the Party's organizational principles to restrain Chen Ke's own radical actions for the first time, Chen Ke suddenly discovered that these comrades of his could finally no longer be his subordinates, but comrades equal to him. This feeling didn't make Chen Ke feel frustrated; his feeling was actually true peace of mind.

"Thank you, comrades," Chen Ke said. He wanted to say something more but couldn't find suitable words, so Chen Ke said again, "Thank you, comrades."

After the internal problem was resolved, the People's Party organization quickly returned to its previous state. The plan proposed by Chen Ke to control the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works was generally approved. The rest was more detailed preparatory work.

In Chen Ke's plan, it wasn't just about controlling the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works, but also arranging People's Party technical personnel and workers inside the Hanyang Iron and Steel Works. To learn technology and knowledge of steel manufacturing through actual work.

The comrades who regained their vitality began to raise broader questions about this. When dispatching personnel, should they make corresponding arrangements for seizing Hubei in the future? How to guarantee the safety of our personnel? Governor of Huguang Zhao Erxun was a stubborn running dog of the Manchu Qing; would he be sensible?

"This depends on how much sincerity Yuan Shikai actually has. If Yuan Shikai sincerely wants to redeem the captured Beiyang officers, he has to make this cooperation have minimal credibility. And we not only have to have preparations for political struggle but also preparations for military struggle. So, for this land reform, I plan to dispatch a unit into the Dabie Mountain area. First, we must seize control of Yingshan County." Chen Ke pointed to Yingshan County near Anqing on the map.

"This area, I..." Chen Ke almost said I've been there. He stopped for a moment before continuing, "This area is very poor but has great potential. Although Yingshan County lacks land suitable for cultivation, it doesn't lack mountainous land. Tea can be grown on the mountains, and mulberries can be planted to raise silkworms. Moreover, Yingshan County has many hot springs, which can be used to boil cocoons and reel silk. Since we want to enter Wuhan, it is very necessary to fully utilize the trade channels within the Wuhan concessions."

In the twenty-first century, Chen Ke had gone to Yingshan for fun with the "Dabie Mountain Red Tour." He had four impressions of that place: the hot springs were nice, the girls were pretty, and then there were tea gardens and mulberry gardens all over the mountains and plains. And in the intelligence collected by the People's Party, the current Yingshan County was an extremely poverty-stricken place. Apart from a dozen or so notorious local tyrants, there were no decent landlords. This was simply too favorable for unfolding work. After opening up a base area in Yingshan County, not only would they obtain a stable bridgehead for attacking Hubei, but they could also screen Anqing's flank. Moreover, in Chen Ke's view, by establishing state-owned tea factories, planting mulberry trees on a large scale, and establishing a raw silk industry, the local common people could break away from the situation of extreme poverty through tea and silk within two years.

Listening to Chen Ke introduce the plan content, the comrades quickly found back the feeling of "rallying around the Party Central Committee with Chairman Chen at the core." Actually, these days the comrades were also reflecting and connecting, reviewing their experiences since the revolution in discussions. Everyone felt that because they were in the ranks of the revolution, they were used to the process of revolution. In fact, under the leadership of Chairman Chen Ke, the things the People's Party achieved were all unusual in themselves. So Chen Ke's seemingly radical blueprint might not be unreasonable. It was just that the comrades hadn't found the reason why they felt dissatisfied.

Qin Wuan pointed out the reason for the comrades' dissatisfaction, and Chen Ke's frank admission of his mistake resolved everyone's dissatisfaction. The People's Party Central Committee, which had undergone a shock, returned to a united situation again. However, the comrades didn't discover that their view of the world seemed to have undergone some real changes. At least, when Chen Ke proposed utilizing the trade channels of the Wuhan concessions, no comrade was surprised by the involvement of foreigners. Everyone just accepted this fact very naturally.

Intervening in Hubei was a big plan. As usual, Chen Ke spent a lot of effort explaining the content of the plan. The Party Committee accepted this plan, and then the division of labor began. Different departments started to operate rapidly. The first to bear the brunt was the Military Commission deciding which unit to dispatch to Yingshan. And which military sub-district this unit should belong to also entered the agenda.