The Zhennanguan Uprising was a major event of epoch-making significance for Sun Yat-sen. On March 13, 1908, Sun Yat-sen arrived at the front line of the uprising for the first time. He not only bandaged the wounded on the position but also fired the cannon personally, which was surprisingly accurate. Sun Yat-sen said with emotion: "Opposing the Qing government for more than twenty years, only today did I get to fire at the Qing army personally!" In the afternoon of that day, Lu Rongting sent a woodcutter woman holding a letter to ascend the platform, expressing willingness to lead more than 600 people to join Sun Yat-sen's command, and informing that the Qing army was coming with large reinforcements; the situation was extremely urgent, praying for self-preservation.

Receiving Lu Rongting's letter, Sun Yat-sen immediately decided to return to Hanoi to raise funds and weapons, ordering Huang Mingtang to hold fast for five days; as soon as pay and weapons arrived, they would advance to take Longzhou. That night, Sun Yat-sen and others went down the mountain and returned to Annam. On the 17th, the Grand Council handed over Guangxi Governor Zhang Mingqi, who lost Zhennanguan, to the Ministry for punishment proposal, and ordered him to atone for his crimes by meritorious service and "recover it immediately." The Qing army besieged with a force of 4,000 people. That night, Qing army commander Lu Rongting, who had written to Sun Yat-sen expressing defection to the revolution, led the Qing army to pounce fiercely on Beitai. Huang Mingtang persisted for several days; ammunition ran out, and on the night of the 18th, he abandoned the platform and retreated to the Swallow Mountain in Annam. The guns and ammunition transported by Sun Yat-sen from Vietnam were detained by the French side in Wendeng. The Zhennanguan Uprising thus failed.

While the People's Party and the Guangfu Society set off a revolutionary storm in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, the Tongmenghui's uprising in the southern border of China rose and fell rapidly. Zhang Mingqi kept his official position, and Lu Rongting continued to "lurk" in the Qing army waiting for opportunities. The Zhennanguan Uprising, with which the Tongmenghui attempted to open up a situation, didn't create enough influence on the vast land of China at all.

By April 16, 1908, Cixi surprisingly promulgated the "Outline of Constitution by Imperial Order" to the whole country. Several heavy ministers advocating constitutionalism, including Yuan Shikai and Zhang Zhidong, actually didn't receive any news beforehand. Promulgated simultaneously with the "Outline of Constitution by Imperial Order" was the proclamation of punitive expedition against the People's Party. The content was simple and brisk; the proclamation focused on criticizing the evil deeds of the People's Party "destroying gentry and distributing land." Considering the People's Party bandit gang's crimes unpardonable and heinous. The Qing government informed the world that the contracts of land distribution by the People's Party were completely illegal, and such contracts had no legal effect. Once the court eliminated the People's Party, the local gentry of Anhui still within the borders of Anhui and those who fled outside Anhui would regain land ownership.

The scholar who wrote this proclamation had a lot of imagination. Since the flag of the People's Party was a red flag, plus the People's Party called the Manchu Qing the Manchu Qing Bandit Gang, so in the proclamation, the Qing government called the People's Party "Red Bandits" (*Chi Fei*). This title also became the standard appellation for the People's Party in Manchu Qing proclamations.

Chen Ke was in the Lu'an area where traffic was not very convenient. When he saw the title "Red Bandits," a sense of pride arose spontaneously. This was the exclusive title of the Party back then. The People's Party actually got this title; in Chen Ke's view, it was simply supreme glory. However, the Party Central Committee seemed to lack this feeling. The comrades of the Central Committee wrote a refutation proclamation without saying a second word. The content was nothing more than a war of words. Chen Ke wrote instructions on the back of the proclamation: "In the future, the Party Central Committee can decide such issues on its own, but I suggest not to engage in a war of words. Our People's Party has always been the object of scolding; we grew up amidst the curses of the reactionary exploiting class. The fiercer the enemy scolds, the better we are doing. Focus energy on land reform; only by closely uniting with the people do we have true strength."

The comrades of the Party Central Committee were just angry for a moment. During the time Chen Ke was away, the comrades were highly nervous. With such a big stall, although the leadership changed from Chen Ke alone to a mechanism of five Standing Committee members discussing matters, more people didn't mean higher efficiency. Every matter that could reach the Party Central Committee was a major event. Now the scope of the base area included the entire future Anhui region. Anhui is located in the hinterland of East China, bordering Jiangsu, Shandong, Henan, Hubei, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang. The entire base area was divided into 16 prefecture-level cities and 62 counties.

Before Chen Ke went to work in Lu'an City, he left a core task for everyone: "In the core area, at least let the masses have one dry meal and two liquid meals (porridge) every day throughout the year, have a meal of fish or meat once a week, have oil and salt normally, be able to buy two *chi* (feet) of cloth a month, and change two farm tools every year."

The population of the base area now counted was about 12 million, and the population of the core base area where land reform was implemented was as high as 3.5 million. "One dry and two liquid" meant drinking porridge in the morning and evening, and having dry rice at noon no matter what. This meant that these 3.5 million people, on average, each person had to eat at least one *jin* of rations a day. Calculating one year as 360 days, the core base area needed to produce 1.26 billion *jin* of grain to achieve this number.

The core base area was in the plain area, and the total amount of land was not small either. The cultivated farmland counted was 15 million *mu*. If the average yield per *mu* reached 100 *jin*, this goal could be completed. Based on the experience of Fengtai County, after the rural water conservancy irrigation and drainage system was done well, and high-quality seeds produced by breeding bases were adopted mandatorily, the average yield per *mu* could reach 280 *jin*. Theoretically, there was no problem. The only problem was that in practice, it was all problems.

One of the biggest problems was the shortage of labor. Labor was lacking everywhere during the busy farming season, and industrial production almost stopped completely. Last year's experience told everyone that factories couldn't completely absorb enough labor during the slack farming season.

In this chaotic planning and scheduling, a seemingly inconspicuous piece of news was ignored. Liangjiang Governor-General Rui Fang, Zhejiang Governor Zhang Xun, and Jiangnan Provincial Commander Wang Youhong jointly submitted a memorial, requesting to open a trial parliament in Jiangsu to observe the aftereffect. Cixi's reply to this memorial was extremely fast, writing one word "Approved" with a vermilion brush on the memorial.

When Yuan Shikai got this news, it was like a thunderbolt from a clear sky ringing over his head. The diehard Royalist Party member Zhang Xun now became the first person in constitutional practice. The most magical thing was that Jiangsu engaged in constitutionalism, and Zhejiang Governor Zhang Xun could actually stick a hand in. In the joint memorial of the Liangjiang Governor-General, Zhejiang Governor, and Jiangnan Provincial Commander. Because Zhejiang Governor Zhang Xun temporarily didn't have the troops to fight back to Zhejiang, he became the general person in charge of the preparation of the Jiangsu Parliament. Jiangnan Provincial Commander Wang Youhong, a military officer, became the deputy. The temporary speaker of the Jiangsu Parliament was acted by Liangjiang Governor-General Lord Rui Fang. These three diehard Royalists transformed into pioneers of reform (*Wei Xin*).

For Cixi's political skills, Yuan Shikai admired her prostrate on the ground. Cixi grasped the current political lifeline, that is to say, what the gentry pursued was "Reform" (*Wei Xin*), not "Constitutionalism" (*Li Xian*). Being able to enrich the country and strengthen the army, and giving gentry the opportunity to stand out and participate in politics when the imperial examination was abolished; this was the idea of the vast majority of gentry. The gentry didn't understand the difference between Constitutionalism and Reform at all; they mistakenly took Constitutionalism as the entirety of Reform.

Different from the universal pursuit of the gentry, the core of the "Constitutionalism" designed by the Beiyang Group led by Yuan Shikai was to establish a "Responsible Cabinet," not "Constitutional General Election." The "Responsible Cabinet System" mainly promoted was something tailored for the Beiyang Group. Once Yuan Shikai's "Constitutional Plan" was passed, Yuan Shikai could stand under one person and above ten thousand people as the Prime Minister of the Cabinet. The Beiyang Group, having seized the personnel rights of various ministries of the Cabinet, would also formally overwhelm all political enemies. Therefore, Cixi didn't engage in a responsible cabinet now but promoted the "Imperial Power Constitution," which could be said to have shattered Yuan Shikai's wishful thinking in one blow.

Such profound cognition, and astute response, made Yuan Shikai really both respect and fear Cixi whose life span was ending.

The court and the public didn't think highly of the Constitutional Reform engaged in by the three diehard Royalists at all. The leader of these three Royalist dregs was a Manchu, and the other two were of martial background. What did they know about "Constitutional Reform"?

Reality was far more magical than imagination. It only took less than two months for the Jiangsu Parliament to open. This session of parliament was fully called "Jiangsu Transitional Parliament," electing three members per county, with a term of half an year. Leading the election work of the next session of parliament members.

Many years later, in the book *Record of Imperial Qing Constitutionalism* compiled jointly by the adherents of the former dynasty, there was a very interesting detail. Wang Youhong showed Zhang Xun a constitutional plan. After reading it, Zhang Xun asked hesitantly: "This was written with Hui ink (*Hui Mo*), right?"

Wang Youhong asked strangely: "I never ask the source when using ink; how does Milord know?"

Zhang Xun answered: "The ink has a bad smell."

Wang Youhong laughed and answered: "Don't know where the ink comes from; as long as it can write."

Two warriors discussing stationery supplies seriously was a strange thing in itself. Why this matter was recorded in this book singing praises for the Manchu Qing, most people didn't know for a long time.

The person who wrote the book understood the principle of "concealing faults for the venerable" very well. Actually, the discussion that day wasn't so quiet and peaceful at all. Zhang Xun pointed at Wang Youhong's nose and cursed loudly, "Why did you copy the People's Party's NPC election process?"

Wang Youhong immediately replied, "Could it be copying Beiyang's?"

Zhang Xun was choked for a moment. Actually, the main promoter of this matter was Wang Youhong, not Zhang Xun and Rui Fang. And the People's Party never hid the election system; Wang Youhong got this process without spending any effort.

Seeing Zhang Xun fundamentally disagreed with this plan, Wang Youhong persuaded: "Milord, the treacherous and evil part of the People's Party lies in that they elect mud-legs (peasants). Great treachery and evil must have great wisdom and courage. Although we utilized this rule, what we elect are gentry. Jiangsu chaotic parties mostly have to rely on gentry. Isn't gathering the gentry in the parliament better than pushing them to the chaotic party? Moreover, the 'Outline of Constitution by Imperial Order' mainly promotes loyalty to the sovereign. A parliament organized according to this, it won't do not to be loyal to the sovereign."

This reasonable suggestion was considered tacitly approved by Zhang Xun. Of course, the most important reason was that Zhang Xun believed Wang Youhong, who fought a tragic war with the People's Party, was absolutely not a chaotic party member, and Zhang Xun himself completely lacked the thinking and ability to organize a parliament. However, Zhang Xun pointed out one strip sharply: "Whether gentry can become parliament members must pass the consent of me and you."

Wang Youhong answered: "The world knows Milord is loyal and righteous, stressing brotherhood. Above wanting to repay the court, below also knowing to win the trust of the common people. If establishing military orders but not keeping them, it's better not to establish them. Please think thrice, Milord."

Although Zhang Xun hadn't read books, he was a smart person. He immediately understood Wang Youhong's meaning. Depressed for a while, Zhang Xun answered: "Just as Provincial Commander Wang says."

The election of temporary parliament members was not a general election, but a recommendation system. Gentry with fame and titles in various places held a meeting, and then recommended highly respected temporary parliament members. Wang Youhong specifically emphasized that the elected parliament members must not elect gentry with the title of *Juren*. If one had the title of *Juren*, as long as one was willing to spend money, one could have held an official position long ago. Actually, there were not few rich *Xiucai* becoming officials. Wang Youhong's emphasis was a strong signal sent to those gentry who couldn't take office. The vast number of formal parliament members of the next session would also be selected from among them.

The founding meeting of the Jiangsu Temporary Parliament, "Former Temporary Speaker," Liangjiang Governor-General Rui Fang had a detailed description in the memorial. "On the day of the parliament's establishment, all parliament members bowed to the north, wishing the Empress Dowager Old Buddha and His Majesty golden body peace." "Under the leadership of the Temporary Speaker, parliament members read the 'Outline of Constitution by Imperial Order'." "The first day's parliament topic, discussing the matter of punitive expedition against Anhui Red Bandits."

These were all superficial efforts. Gentry were in the locality and knew local problems. Loyalty to the court might be proper, but gentry neither understood fighting nor had the obligation to fight. After perfunctory handling for the first two days, various bills concerning local matters began to appear one after another. In 1908, the "bad gentry" group attached to European and American empires hadn't appeared yet. The discussion content revolved completely around local gentry and people's livelihood issues. Native folk voices were transmitted to the Manchu Qing Jiangsu bureaucratic group on a large scale for the first time.

After busy work, Wang Youhong finally had time to go home. He dismissed everyone in the study. Everyone knew the habit Wang Youhong developed over the past year or so; when reading, absolutely no one was allowed to enter. Everyone retreated far away, letting Provincial Commander Wang Youhong, who had been infinitely glorious recently, calm down to read.

Carefully checking the door was closed tight, Wang Youhong took down a set of brand new *I Ching* from the bookshelf. He was originally from a military background; he learned to recognize characters in the army but absolutely couldn't read such profound books. Opening the beautiful book case. Inside several brand new books was sandwiched a small booklet that had been flipped through many times.

Wang Youhong let out a breath, gently opened the booklet, and soon turned to the chapter he wanted to read. This was Wang Youhong's handwritten copy. The first paragraph on it was like this: "Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for loyal ministers. The basic reason why all past revolutionary struggles in China achieved so little is their failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies. Loyal ministers are the guides of the gentry, and no loyal minister ever led the way wrong without the reform failing. To ensure that we will definitely not lead the way wrong and achieve success in our reform, we must pay attention to uniting with our real friends in order to attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and their respective attitudes towards the reform."