"Beiyang has seized the power of the Qing court." After a struggle in which the People's Party participated, the Manchu Qing central government, the People's Party's most stubborn enemy, had completed a superficial unification with its most powerful military force, the "Beiyang New Army". The "contradiction between the Manchu Qing central government and the Beiyang Army", which was once the focus of the People's Party's military struggle, ceased to exist from then on. Except for Chen Ke and a few cadres, all comrades who heard this news felt a heavy pressure.

Just at this time, Chairman Chen Ke's latest instruction came down. It was a document titled "Strengthen Discipline, Revolution is Invincible!" Chen Ke recounted the history of the People's Party since its founding and emphasized the core role of organizational discipline in the revolutionary cause.

"...From a revolution involving millions of people to two people carrying a piece of luggage together, the failure of any joint action is first of all an organizational failure. If comrades do not unite closely around organizations at all levels, and organizational decisions cannot be effectively implemented, our revolutionary cause could not have advanced to the present level..."

"...Our revolutionary cause is not my personal cause, nor the cause of a few leading cadres. It is the common cause of all comrades in this revolutionary team, and also the cause of tens of millions of people in the Base Area. Only within the organization built by revolutionary work, fully exerting the ability and initiative of comrades, can we grasp the direction of the revolution..."

"...We must correctly view the results achieved now. In the initial era in Anhui, with more than a hundred comrades, we couldn't even row a boat well during disaster relief. Everyone was not discouraged but asked and learned from the masses, discussed, studied, and practiced within the organization. The disaster relief boats were rowed out. Through continuous learning and practice, an inland water force capable of meeting current needs was also built within two years. Therefore, every party member and cadre of the People's Party must not only ensure the operation of the organization but also not feel that they can conquer the world alone when encountering problems. Ask and learn from the masses, research, summarize, and practice with colleagues working together based on the system of democratic centralism. As the saying goes, three cobblers equal one Zhuge Liang. We have millions of comrades, we have tens of millions of masses; mobilizing this force, there is no problem that cannot be solved..."

"...The people are the driving force of history. Learning from the people, asking the people, standing with the people is the only guarantee of our victory..."

A few days after this document reached the local areas, Jiangsu Governor Wang Youhong gave a speech at the Jiangsu Parliament,

"...From the reform of China to the sharing of water sources between a few villages, any failure is first of all a failure of government orders. Establishing a parliament is to let the voice of the people be heard by the government, and the government and the gentry of the people work together for the welfare of Jiangsu. If there is no unity of heart and virtue among the members of parliament, and various government orders concerning the people of Jiangsu cannot be effectively implemented, Jiangsu's constitutionalism could not have advanced to the present level..."

"...Our Jiangsu's reform is not my personal cause, nor just the cause of the members of parliament. It is the common cause of all Jiangsu gentry and common people who are willing to let the world be at peace. At this time, everyone must pull together in times of trouble and share weal and woe, so that our Jiangsu can protect the territory and comfort the people, free from disaster..."

Governor Wang Youhong's speech received enthusiastic applause from the members of parliament. The speed of change in the world situation far exceeded the imagination of the members of parliament. The Regent stepped down, Beiyang took power, Prince Qing Yikuang and Yuan Shikai were in charge. And near Jiangsu, the People's Party, a revolutionary party, rose strongly, and the Guangfu Society in Zhejiang once tried to plot against Nanjing. The one who could defend Jiangsu was this Governor Wang Youhong.

"I, your brother, became this Governor and heard a piece of news. Lord Yuan Shikai, the Vice Prime Minister of the Cabinet in the capital, intends to have a Federation of Autonomous Provinces. This Federation of Autonomous Provinces involves a lot; things above cannot be explained in a sentence or two. But putting it to our Jiangsu, it is one sentence: Jiangsu people manage Jiangsu affairs. Once the Federation of Autonomous Provinces is implemented, whether the court or others, they will no longer manage our Jiangsu so much. Jiangsu affairs will be managed by us Jiangsu people. I, your brother, boast a bit; I contributed to the establishment of this Jiangsu Parliament. But my contribution is not to make the members of the Jiangsu Parliament bow and scrape to me, Wang Youhong, a native of Tianjin Wei. I absolutely don't mean that. I now want to listen to the decision of the highly respected members of parliament; what exactly is everyone's attitude? Support or oppose. No matter what the members of parliament decide in the end, I, Wang Youhong, will definitely execute everyone's resolution to the end. No matter how difficult it is ahead, I will absolutely not retreat."

"Good!" Thunderous applause and cheers erupted in the conference hall of the Jiangsu Parliament. The members of parliament actually knew that on this major issue, they probably still had to listen to Wang Youhong. But this was only one aspect. If Wang Youhong didn't make this statement but acted willfully relying on the high-ranking governor position, the members of parliament wouldn't support Wang Youhong willingly either.

The People's Party also had its own intelligence system in Jiangsu. Wang Youhong's speech would be transmitted back to the Base Area along with other collected intelligence a few days later. The Central Intelligence Department of the People's Party would analyze and summarize it to judge and estimate the situation in Jiangsu.

Chen Ke came from an engineering background. Among the rigorous sciences with strict systems, chemistry was originally relatively loose. And chemical engineering's emphasis on theory was even weaker. Except for classical systems, polymer chemical engineering was piled with a large number of empirical formulas. From mechanical drawing to mechanical principles, from advanced mathematics to high-energy physics, this relatively marginal department once almost drove Chen Ke crazy with a massive amount of various courses. Plus Chen Ke himself was greedy like a snake trying to swallow an elephant and tried to study for a computer double degree; university days were really incomparably dark.

But after Chen Ke really contacted society, he found that compared with the reality of society, the natural knowledge he mastered was actually clear in organization and context. Whether hitting a wall or not, whether proud or frustrated, the stomach would always be hungry. To eat, when participating in many projects without obvious current benefits, Chen Ke had to do other livelihoods. At that time, getting many certificates played a role.

Chen Ke could pluck up the courage to teach many courses he didn't understand. Just like he once got the CorelDraw tutorial with the students; for the lecture fee of 80 yuan per 45 minutes, he dared to stand on the podium and talk with fervor like an expert. For natural science, as long as you didn't harbor any "delusions", just read from the book and explain and operate according to what the book said, the result would be the same. And being a teacher who "destroys people tirelessly" had another benefit, that is, students would make all mistakes for you. As long as you grasped the basic essentials without wavering, Chen Ke could often learn more when explaining for students.

So Chen Ke himself fully admitted one thing, "The people push history forward. We must be students of the people first before we can be teachers of the people." Chen Ke relied on being a computer teacher in various schools for a few hours a day to make a living. It was exactly the students who taught Chen Ke how to be a teacher through asking questions, not Chen Ke teaching students as a teacher.

Whenever Chen Ke reflected on those days he spent, he had to admit one thing. Every failure was because Chen Ke himself failed to "seek truth from facts" and had delusions in his heart. All jobs that allowed Chen Ke to make a living and earn money were jobs where Chen Ke was forced by the powerful realistic pressure of reality to give up fantasies, and even give up his "imagination" of these jobs. He had to follow the laws described by Grandpa Mao in "On Practice", accumulate a large amount of perceptual experience completely objectively, and solve problems continuously, then he could get correct judgments. And these judgments themselves were what the textbooks had long explained and emphasized repeatedly.

Returning to this era, the cruelty of reality was a hundred times more terrible than in the 21st century. Chen Ke had to follow the theories Grandpa Mao explained in his books again, facing reality and work by seeking truth from facts. By 1999 (sic, probably means 1909), Chen Ke could even cooperate with big historical figures like Yuan Shikai to overthrow the Manchu Qing regime. If it were in the 21st century, Chen Ke would have probably stuck his tail up to the sky long ago.

Now in 1909, Chen Ke had already forgotten that there was such a thing as pride in the world. In Chen Ke's eyes, this world only had "existence", not evaluation. After he walked onto the path of people's revolution pointed out by Grandpa Mao without turning back, the past world gradually had nothing to do with Chen Ke.

After having such awareness, Chen Ke dared to start "taking apprentices". Precisely because he had been a teacher, Chen Ke knew where the flaws of school education lay. And it must be admitted that high-quality talents were impossible to study in the kind of school Chen Ke was in. After Chen Ke reflected on himself, he dared to conduct special political training for comrades with quite high quality within the party.

The recent training on the trends of various political forces was one of the two advanced study classes opened by Chen Ke. Wang Youhong's intelligence hadn't been transmitted yet. Chen Ke was analyzing the trends of the Guangfu Society at this time.

Since the Guangfu Society arrived in the People's Party territory for treatment and joined the People's Party's local work, a small part of Guangfu Society members had become supporters of the People's Party, and some had defected to the People's Party. The intelligence was transmitted by them.

Cai Yuanpei, who left the Tongmenghui and returned to the Guangfu Society again, went to see Yuan Shikai. The "goodwill" expressed by Yuan Shikai gave Cai Yuanpei great support. With a mood of fear and joy, Cai Yuanpei went to Zhejiang with the Beiyang messenger. Duan Qirui didn't break the promise but released more than six hundred scarred captives together.

Since 1907, the actual revolutionary actions of Tao Chengzhang and others, as well as Cai Yuanpei's intimacy with the Tongmenghui, once marginalized Cai Yuanpei in the Guangfu Society. The "big gift" given by Yuan Shikai made Cai Yuanpei's prestige soar. The six hundred released comrades, plus the more than a thousand troops recuperating and resting in Anhui, and the re-gathered scattered Guangfu Society members went south together, entering the area Yuan Shikai marked out for the Guangfu Society.

Tao Chengzhang originally suggested dispersing the troops. Cai Yuanpei resolutely opposed; he demanded the Guangfu Society retreat to occupy Qingtian openly. Duan Qirui ignored the Guangfu Society active in southern Zhejiang. This seemingly completely unreliable "peace negotiation" actually succeeded. The Guangfu Society from top to bottom developed trust in Cai Yuanpei, who had been estranged for a long time.

The Guangfu Society was not only waiting; these firm backbones who had stood the test all participated in the big discussion on the future direction of the Guangfu Society. Fighting, they definitely couldn't beat Beiyang. Guangfu Society members who had experienced several life-and-death tests, especially those recently released, were full of war-weariness.

Under Tao Chengzhang's command, the Guangfu Society experienced many failures. However, these backbones didn't want to completely negate Tao Chengzhang; especially Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin firmly supported Tao Chengzhang. Although the criticism of "Opposing Tao Chengzhang's Left-leaning Adventurism Line" at the meeting was relatively fierce, it didn't reach the point of having to overthrow Tao Chengzhang.

Xu Xilin united with Guangfu Society comrades participating in rural local work in Anhui. After discussion, he proposed the view of "Uniting with the People's Party. Jointly launching the people's revolution." In Xu Xilin's view, this view once received explicit support from quite a few people, and tacit approval from a considerable number of people. As for the place to carry out revolutionary work, Xu Xilin thought it was more appropriate to carry out work in Changxing County, Zhejiang, which was right next to Anhui.

This proposal immediately met with Cai Yuanpei's fierce opposition. Cai Yuanpei stated, "Since we have reached an agreement with Yuan Shikai, it is inappropriate to carry out work in northwest Zhejiang in the near future."

"Beiyang simply won't care about such a remote mountainous area. Behind it is the People's Party's territory; Duan Qirui won't look for trouble even more." Xu Xilin tried hard to persuade the comrades.

Guangfu Society comrades finally got a chance to rest and reorganize; most didn't approve of having any more conflicts with Beiyang. Moreover, in the Hangzhou campaign, Xu Xilin didn't participate. Many people completely forgot that they abandoned Xu Xilin in a death trap in Nanjing, but instead held a grudge against Xu Xilin and others for failing to return to aid Hangzhou.

Generally speaking, if a political organization had a strong leader, such as Cixi of the Manchu Qing, Yuan Shikai of Beiyang, or Chen Ke of the People's Party, they could still guide policies strongly at such times. But the Guangfu Society had never been a true interest group. As a combination of revolutionaries and secret societies, the Guangfu Society was just a gang formed by personal prestige or seniority, never establishing an effective organizational system. With the development and setbacks of the revolutionary process, personal prestige also fluctuated, forming three factions inclined to Cai Yuanpei, Tao Chengzhang, and Xu Xilin.

Once such a meeting entered a stalemate, it was difficult to open up the situation again. Xu Xilin and Tao Chengzhang, upholding the consistent aloof and arrogant characteristics of heroes cum willful scholars, were unwilling to use their reputation to mold the organizational system. At such times, both believed the urgent task was to reach a consensus first and unite comrades.

On the contrary, Cai Yuanpei began to compete for dominance unceremoniously. As one of the founders of the Guangfu Society, the reason why Cai Yuanpei was unwilling to be with the Guangfu Society later was that he hated this Jianghu atmosphere. No matter what problems the Tongmenghui had, the Tongmenghui itself had at least one merit, that is, being able to consider problems from the perspective of the whole China. Although unable to explain this matter theoretically, Cai Yuanpei just couldn't accept the "stinginess" of Tao Chengzhang and Xu Xilin.

However, Cai Yuanpei hadn't led armed struggle after all. Everyone could accept Cai Yuanpei's status as a founder, but still couldn't accept his comprehensive leadership. These soldiers who had gone through life and death knew too well the result of people who didn't understand military affairs commanding military affairs.

As soon as the news of Yuan Shikai seizing the Beijing regime came out, it shook the world. The shock received by the Guangfu Society was especially great. The biggest problem that had been plaguing the Guangfu Society, "Why did Yuan Shikai reach such a lenient agreement with the Guangfu Society", immediately reached a consensus in the Guangfu Society. Yuan Shikai, preparing to overthrow the Manchu Qing, was unwilling from the bottom of his heart to invest troops in a war with revolutionary parties like the Guangfu Society.

The original political proposition of the Guangfu Society was to overthrow the Manchu Qing and restore the Han family's world. As for whose world this Han family's world was, the Guangfu Society had no definite plan either.

Amidst surprise and suspicion, another piece of news reached the Guangfu Society: Yuan Shikai intended to implement the Federation of Autonomous Provinces. Hearing this news, the Guangfu Society boiled over completely. "Federation of Autonomous Provinces" meant whoever was the master of the local area could become the future master of Zhejiang. No matter what military force Duan Qirui himself controlled, Duan Qirui couldn't control the parliament. The Guangfu Society was the future master of Zhejiang.

Against this background, the status of Cai Yuanpei, who negotiated with Yuan Shikai, rose sharply. And Cai Yuanpei himself also admitted frankly that based on the situation known now, the Federation of Autonomous Provinces might not necessarily be a parliamentary system. If the parliamentary system couldn't be implemented in Zhejiang, the Guangfu Society still had no ability to control Zhejiang. Cai Yuanpei himself was willing to negotiate with Yuan Shikai as much as possible for the interests of the Guangfu Society and the interests of Zhejiang.

After discussion, the Guangfu Society accepted Cai Yuanpei's suggestion, imitated the Tongmenghui model, and absorbed some organizational characteristics of the People's Party, completely overturning the "Hero Alliance" model when Tao Chengzhang and Xu Xilin led the Guangfu Society originally. Regardless of the level of the supervision system and discipline maintenance, the Guangfu Society at least built a political party with clear ranks and clear responsibilities organizationally.

When Cai Yuanpei hung out with Sun Yat-sen in the Tongmenghui, there was no progress in actual revolutionary work. But the cognition of modern organizations could be said to have made leapfrog progress. Sun Yat-sen fooled others to gain power. Precisely because he had no grassroots and had to use organization to fool others, Sun Yat-sen could drop the burden and go into battle with a light pack. Many fantasies based on theory couldn't be said to have no merit.

If it were only Cai Yuanpei's effort alone, it naturally wouldn't work. The Guangfu Society itself experienced so many actual struggles; from top to bottom, they also felt the need for a rectification. Mixed with the pursuit of efficiency, war-weariness, identification with comrades-in-arms, disgust for other forces that didn't participate in the revolution, and desire for power. Under the combined effect of these emotions, the strategy of "Guangfu Society political party transformation, seizing the dominance of Zhejiang in the Federation of Autonomous Provinces" proposed by Cai Yuanpei almost satisfied all needs of the Guangfu Society from top to bottom.

Regarding the recent trends of the Guangfu Society, the People's Party research group synthesized recent data and finally analyzed the phased results under Chen Ke's leadership. The group members were both surprised and not surprised by this result. After the actual demise of the Manchu Qing, the political-party-transformed Guangfu Society almost inevitably had to go to the opposite side of the People's Party. This was the inevitable development after both sides lost the common enemy. Many in the research group were senior cadres; they had long known Chen Ke considered the Guangfu Society "relatively reactionary". After the most reactionary object, the Manchu Qing, was overthrown, other forces also quickly transformed from "relatively progressive" to "relatively reactionary".

"Then Chairman Chen, how do you think the recent situation will transform?" Qi Huishen asked. The Guangfu Society trying to defect to Yuan Shikai, or at least trying to reach some kind of political cooperation with Yuan Shikai, was no longer strange. But how would their specific steps proceed exactly? If this route could be judged accurately, the People's Party could seize the initiative.

"As the saying goes, a new official applies three fires (makes three strict measures). Cai Yuanpei can't bring down Tao Chengzhang now. But he will definitely move against one person now, and that is Xu Xilin."

"Doesn't Xu Xilin also have his own troops?" Xie Mingxian asked. Due to the lack of cadres, the People's Party transferred a considerable number of cadres from Shanghai back to Anhui to work. Xie Mingxian was one of them.

"Xu Xilin certainly has troops, but Xu Xilin wants to follow our People's Party's line now. This won't work in the Guangfu Society. Because besides our People's Party, all political parties and political forces in the whole country are competing for a group of people, that is, landlords and gentry. Landlords and gentry control local influence at the current stage, which means they can mobilize a certain amount of manpower. They also have money and grain. Any political force wanting to obtain provincial control cannot but cooperate with them."

After finishing speaking, Chen Ke took out the last piece of intelligence and passed it to everyone for reading. This intelligence clearly showed that Cai Yuanpei, the president of the newly reorganized Guangfu Society, turned his firepower as his first political move and began to fiercely attack "Xu Xilin's Right-leaning Capitulationist Line".

"Aren't they afraid of chilling the hearts of those people in the Guangfu Society by doing this?" A comrade asked incredulously.

"Chilling hearts? I'm afraid some people feel very gratified." Chen Ke laughed coldly.

After saying this, Chen Ke's expression became solemn. "Comrades, we rely absolutely not on landlords, nor on gentry. Even if we will superficially be under Beiyang in the future, we actually have an equal cooperative relationship with Beiyang. The foundation of our People's Party is the people; the people's revolution is a revolution coming from the people. Everyone will go to work in local areas after the study ends. Regarding our work core, there absolutely cannot be the slightest wavering."

"Rest assured, Chairman Chen, we will definitely keep this in mind." Comrades answered one after another.

Just as they were speaking, someone handed in a message. Chen Ke laughed after reading it, "Speak of Cao Cao, and Cao Cao arrives. Xu Xilin has already taken more than 200 people to Changxing County to carry out work. They have already sent a message to Guangde County, which is right next to Changxing County, hoping to help each other in the future days."

"Really kicked Xu Xilin out? Cai Yuanpei's methods are really ruthless enough." Comrades asked in surprise.

"At this time, fast hands get it, slow hands get nothing. There will be plenty of such things in the future." While explaining to the comrades, Chen Ke also inadvertently made an expectation for the future.

Governor Wang Youhong and Zhang Jian looked left and right habitually after disembarking, and then discovered with disappointment that there were no sedans waiting on the pier. Sweeping a glance casually, not only were there no sedans beside the people receiving them, but there was also no trace of sedans on the entire busy pier.

Wang Youhong and Zhang Jian looked at each other, suspecting in their hearts, "Is this a show of strength intentionally given by the People's Party?"

In these years, only the poor walked. People with status traveled in sedans or carriages, or at least got a beast to ride. But guests followed the host's convenience. On this People's Party territory, former Anhui Governor En Ming had his head chopped off. Jiangsu Governor Wang Youhong and Jiangsu Parliament Speaker Zhang Jian were nothing much. Let alone the People's Party letting these two and their entourage walk. Even if they were arrested and executed as "Manchu Qing Counter-revolutionaries", they would have to accept it.

Fortunately, the People's Party didn't really prepare to do that. Various transport capacities were in the passenger area outside the pier. The freight area and passenger area were obviously separated. Light rickshaws and flatbed carts were parked separately. The passenger area was noisy but not crowded.

Both Zhang Jian and Wang Youhong's eyes lit up. Cities like Nanjing were trade distribution centers. The management areas were not only overcrowded, but various forces often caused trouble to grab territory. Anqing's management model was indeed quite advanced. Since the war broke out, Anqing's trade was extremely depressed for a time. Now seeing the market, it had fully restored its old appearance. Not only were ordinary merchants keen on business, but some foreigners were also busy. If one didn't know clearly that it was currently wartime, just looking at the situation in front, Anqing city looked completely like a peaceful and prosperous age.

Uniformed and vest-wearing people could be seen everywhere on the streets. Municipal urban management in uniforms was responsible for maintaining order, and those in vests were municipal sanitation and logistics. The common people were very used to these people, looking completely unsurprised. Seeing these, Wang Youhong and Zhang Jian actually wanted to walk and see with their own eyes how the People's Party managed this Anqing city.

"Gentlemen, please get in the car." The responsible People's Party staff member had already arranged the cars. Scanning the orderly surroundings again, Wang Youhong and the others got into the cars.

The negotiation location was at the former Governor's Yamen. The group was led into the conference room. A tall, square-faced young man was already waiting there with several other people.

"This is Chairman Chen Ke." The leading staff member introduced with a tone of uncontrollable pride. No need for introduction; Wang Youhong's attention had already been attracted by Chen Ke. That was a young man with no pretense. The uninhibited vitality unique to young people was undoubtedly displayed from those bright eyes, that smooth skin, that robust physique, and that light and powerful rising movement. But this vigorous vitality didn't flow wantonly like other young people. Including Empress Dowager Cixi, Wang Youhong had seen many people in high positions. Long-term experience made them dignified in manner and full of style. Chen Ke undoubtedly had these things, but Chen Ke had a calmness and caution that those in high positions didn't have. He was more like a scholar, a younger person ready and willing to listen to others.

Chen Ke, who naturally blended experience and characteristics, made Wang Youhong feel a tremor from the bottom of his heart. Wang Youhong's purpose in coming to Anqing was to negotiate with Chen Ke. Wang Youhong had no confidence in the result of the negotiation at all. And Chen Ke opposite undoubtedly already had his own plan; Chen Ke was ready.

Chen Ke was also sizing up Wang Youhong. A month ago, after the file of Governor Wang Youhong's speech at the Jiangsu Parliament was sent to the People's Party Central Committee, Chen Ke burst out laughing after reading it, "Wang Chaochao (Wang Copycat) ah."

"Chaochao" (Copycat), a later internet term, was spoken by Chen Ke for the first time. The comrades didn't understand the meaning of this word at all. But Wang Youhong's speech draft was so familiar that someone already stared at Qi Huishen and asked: "Commissioner Qi, what exactly is going on?"

Before Qi Huishen could speak, Chen Ke had already taken over the conversation, "Our People's Party doesn't tell lies. This document is not some confidential document. Even if people all over the world see it, so what. Don't worry about so much. Since Governor Wang can see the situation clearly, then we have to give him a surprise too."

In Chen Ke's imagination, a person who could grasp the core content of his speech draft must at least have some scholar's demeanor. Reality surprised Chen Ke quite a bit. Wang Youhong was over forty years old, tall, with thick bones. Like other middle-aged officials of this era, Wang Youhong's belly had bulged because it was full of fat. In the 21st century, this was a very unhealthy body shape. In 1908, this was an enviable "state of wealth".

And Wang Youhong's face looked weathered, with tiny pits on the skin. His eyes were big and bright, and subconsciously opened very wide. Although he had a beard, Wang Youhong looked like a straightforward and rough warrior no matter how one looked at him. The slightly narrowed eyes unique to people who often think, and the introverted expression, could not be found in Wang Youhong at all.

Instead, Zhang Jian behind Wang Youhong possessed all the characteristics of scholars of this era. Putting on airs, a certain degree of affectation, arrogant superciliousness, self-centered dominance. After all, Zhang Jian was the Number One Scholar (Zhuangyuan) of the First Class in the Enke exam. If he had this attitude, it was puzzling instead.

After both sides sat down, no one spoke first. Chen Ke had decided to try hard to learn to listen to others talking, and this meeting was also proposed by Wang Youhong first. Chen Ke waited quietly for the other party to speak.

Wang Youhong didn't want to come to Anhui; he was also forced to. More than half a month ago, the People's Party first seized various places in Northern Jiangsu with heavy troops. When Jiangsu still didn't know what happened, the People's Party Jiangnan troops attacked suddenly again and annihilated the Jiangnan New Army stationed in Wuhu completely. The military edge reached the junction of Anhui and Zhejiang. After the news of Yuan Shikai seizing the Beijing regime shook the world, the People's Party plunged Jiangsu into comprehensive panic again.

The Jiangsu Parliament immediately held a meeting to discuss how to deal with this terrible situation. The People's Party wasn't an existence within the Manchu Qing system, so any war wasn't strange. Ten thousand troops couldn't win against a few hundred People's Party members. Wuhu was so close to Nanjing; if tens of thousands of People's Party troops killed their way over, Nanjing couldn't be spared at all.

There was panic inside Nanjing city. The rich were already preparing to flee to Shanghai. Governor Wang Youhong issued an order: blockade the whole city; those who flee will have their whole family property confiscated. This vigorous and resolute method directly deterred the rich people in Nanjing. While blockading Nanjing city, Wang Youhong attended the parliament. Facing the terrified members of parliament, Governor Wang stated he would personally go with Parliament Speaker Zhang Jian to negotiate with the People's Party to figure out what exactly the People's Party meant.

The Yuan Shikai government had already appointed Zhang Jian as Minister of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce, but Zhang Jian hadn't gone to take office temporarily because of Jiangsu affairs. Hearing that Wang Youhong actually wanted to go to the Anhui bandit gang to negotiate personally, Zhang Jian was extremely moved. He immediately expressed willingness to go with Wang Youhong.

Wang Youhong originally thought the People's Party would threaten smugly or put on airs in this meeting. He had already discussed with Zhang Jian and others how to deal with such a situation. Unexpectedly, the People's Party held the meeting ordinarily. The People's Party members headed by Chen Ke waited politely without saying a word for Wang Youhong to speak. Wang Youhong waited for a while and could only speak first, "Mr. Chen, we came this time to clarify a few things. Why did your troops attack Jiangsu and threaten Nanjing?"

Chen Ke replied in a completely business-like tone: "Attacking Northern Jiangsu is because we want to establish Huaihai Province on the old Chu lands of the Western Han Dynasty in Northern Jiangsu and Southern Shandong. As for threatening Nanjing, our purpose is to take back the Wuhu area that originally belonged to Anhui. It's just you gentlemen feel we are threatening Nanjing. From our side, seeing nearly fifty thousand troops in Nanjing, we feel Nanjing is threatening Wuhu instead."

Hearing Chen Ke's words, many alpacas (grass mud horses - fuck your mothers) ran through the hearts of all Jiangsu representatives. Everyone cursed in their hearts: "Chen Ke, you little brat, you rake backwards (make false countercharges)!"

Originally, the serious attitude of Chen Ke willing to listen on his face made these people feel Chen Ke had the reverence of a young junior. But when Chen Ke expounded facts with such a reverent attitude, this reverent junior attitude immediately turned into an arrogant feeling of bullying others. What meant "feel Nanjing is threatening Wuhu instead?" What meant "want to re-establish Huaihai Province on the old Chu lands of the Western Han Dynasty in Northern Jiangsu and Southern Shandong?"

In the view of the Jiangsu representatives, Chen Ke seemed to hope the Jiangsu representatives would be convinced and say, "Mr. Chen Ke, sorry, we failed to understand your original intention. We were wrong."

Zhang Jian's face was already extremely ugly. Beforehand, they all knew the People's Party would be extremely arrogant, but he never expected Chen Ke to be arrogant to this degree. The other representatives were even more furious.

"Chen Ke, there must be a limit to your bullying!" Zhang Jian couldn't bear it anymore and rebuked angrily.

"Bullying?" Chen Ke was a bit puzzled.

The People's Party had been preparing to use troops against Northern Jiangsu; military preparations were basically close to completion. Wang Youhong copied the People's Party's document; Chen Ke called him "Wang Chaochao" (Wang Copycat), which was a joke. Even if Wang Youhong didn't copy, the People's Party would still send troops to seize Northern Jiangsu.

Jiangsu had always been divided into Northern Jiangsu (Subei) and Southern Jiangsu (Sunan). Subei included Xuzhou, Lianyungang, Suqian, Huai'an, Yancheng. In the 21st century, Chen Ke had some friends in Xuzhou. When he ran to Xuzhou to visit friends, everyone talked about the traditional contradiction between Subei and Sunan while eating meat, drinking wine, and blowing hard. The Subei brothers unanimously believed that Subei and Sunan were simply two different worlds. If "Huaihai Province" could be rebuilt on the 5 commanderies and 36 counties of Xue Commandery, Pengcheng Commandery, Donghai Commandery, Chen Commandery, and Kuaiji Commandery of this old Chu land in Subei, that would be great. This was Chen Ke's initial motivation for establishing Huaihai Province. If regional differences within a province could persist into the 21st century, it showed there were indeed problems in these places.

The folk customs of Subei and Shandong were relatively traditional. When Chen Ke went to Jinan for fun in the 21st century, after nine o'clock in the evening, this provincial capital city was pitch black. There were only a few places for nightlife. Such simple folk customs left Chen Ke dumbfounded. Xuzhou was similar; the people were simple and law-abiding.

Xuzhou Heavy Industry, the leading enterprise in this important town in East China, experienced almost bankruptcy and acquisition, and then jumped to become one of the few large machinery equipment manufacturing enterprises in the world under the east wind of China's massive demand for heavy equipment. It showed that they really had a group of people working seriously whether in good times or bad times. Being from Henan, Chen Ke disliked regional discrimination very much. But history proved that Subei was indeed relatively suitable for eating state-run meals (SOE economy).

"Huaihai Province", Jiangxi, Anhui, these areas were traditionally not very trendy areas. Chen Ke circled these provinces also based on the historical performance of these areas to avoid trouble as much as possible. As for Hubei, even if people called them "Nine-headed Birds" (crafty), Hubei's state-owned enterprise power was still strong. Moreover, since Chen Ke made up his mind to seize the Hanyang steel base, things like folk customs could no longer be considered as factors.

The military operation went extremely smoothly. Only the Central Guard Regiment was left in the central location of Fengtai County. The 106th Division of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army in the Base Area marched out to Subei. The Shandong Base Area sent troops to coordinate at the same time. Subei was taken in a very short time.

While Jiangsu was trembling with fear, the Southern Anhui Military Region troops under Zhang Yu's command seized "Wuhu", the last Anhui area not yet controlled by the People's Party. Wuhu was a treaty port; foreigners had concessions here. The People's Party had always avoided dealing with foreigners, so they refused to touch the concessions. Since the Wuhan Consular Corps came to contact the People's Party, the People's Party had clearly stated "hoping to maintain the status quo without hostile situations occurring". This news had spread from Wuhan to consular corps and diplomatic corps everywhere. The People's Party no longer needed to avoid foreigners.

Wang Youhong coming to negotiate in person was greatly beyond the People's Party's expectation. Negotiation was two forces trying to solve disputes by political consultation means. But the People's Party and this bunch in Jiangsu had no political common ground. One was a rebel, one was a subject under the Manchu Qing. Leaving aside the Manchu Qing negotiating with the People's Party alone, the People's Party from top to bottom couldn't determine what exactly Jiangsu wanted to do. That was why Chen Ke went to Anqing specifically to negotiate with the Jiangsu representatives.

"Chen Ke, do you think you are the court? Do whatever you want? Now Jiangsu already has a parliament; Jiangsu cannot accept arrangements by others." A Jiangsu MP shouted from the side.

Such loud shouting triggered glares from the People's Party cadres. Chen Ke wasn't moved at all. He laughed: "Parliament? We will build a People's Representative Congress in Huaihai Province. People's Party representatives are elected from the people to exercise the people's power. Legally we also stand firm. Moreover, Subei and Sunan were not the same thing originally. If gentlemen are worried we will attack Sunan, that is over-worrying. We have no intention of encroaching on Sunan."

Hearing this, some Jiangsu representatives were almost driven mad with anger, while others showed different expressions. For example, Jiangsu Governor Lord Wang Youhong. Actually, Wang Youhong didn't think the People's Party really wanted to attack Nanjing. Viceroys were shrewd people; no matter what others thought, Wang Youhong had decided that Yuan Shikai had reached a secret agreement with the People's Party. Otherwise, why didn't the People's Party fight Yuan Shikai to the death? As long as Yuan Shikai in Henan could be killed, who else in the Great Qing could stop Chen Ke?

But Yuan Shikai didn't go south to attack Anhui, and the People's Party didn't go north to attack Henan. The final result was the People's Party sending troops to Hubei, while Yuan Shikai returned to Beijing leisurely to seize power.

The People's Party seizing Subei and taking back Wuhu. Regardless of what the Jiangsu Parliament thought in their hearts, these actions didn't touch Wang Youhong's bottom line. The Commander of the Ninth Division of the New Army and other forces had long been driven to Wuhu by Wang Youhong. Their elimination by the People's Party saved Wang Youhong trouble instead. Wang Youhong wasn't worried that the People's Party reached an agreement with Yuan Shikai; what he worried about was that the People's Party didn't reach an agreement with Yuan Shikai.

If the People's Party reached an agreement with Yuan Shikai, the People's Party would absolutely not annex the entire Jiangsu. If the People's Party annexed Jiangsu, Yuan Shikai would have to be responsible for this matter. He just seized central power and lost Jiangsu immediately. It would be an extremely heavy blow to the prestige of Yuan Shikai's center. Local forces looking up to Yuan Shikai was because Yuan Shikai had the Beiyang New Army in hand. If Yuan Shikai couldn't prove his Beiyang New Army and Beiyang Cabinet had control over the whole country, especially control over the People's Party, an armed force outside the system. Then in the eyes of viceroys, Beiyang was just another Manchu Qing center, or even inferior to the Manchu Qing center.

Moreover, Sunan had always been rich. If the People's Party really wanted to seize Jiangsu, they should definitely start with the rich Sunan. As long as it could be guaranteed that the People's Party wouldn't seize the entire Jiangsu, given the consistent discord between Sunan and Subei, Jiangnan wouldn't be affected without Subei.

But these were Wang Youhong's guesses. If he couldn't negotiate with Chen Ke personally, Wang Youhong couldn't be sure if his thoughts were truly correct. The power in hand now was obtained by Wang Youhong through untold hardships; the current opportunity was seized by Wang Youhong betting everything. Wang Youhong would rather die than lose everything before his eyes.

Hearing Chen Ke's words just now, a look of relief couldn't help appearing on Wang Youhong's face. The secret agreement between the People's Party and Yuan Shikai seemed certain.

Chen Ke looked at the completely different expressions of these few negotiation representatives with interest. Wang Youhong's relief, Zhang Jian's annoyance, or the madness of several other MPs. It was not much different from the prior prediction.

Preparation work must be done before doing anything. For example, before this meeting, Chen Ke asked Jiangsu to provide the list and basic personal information of the meeting members. The People's Party had information on Wang Youhong and Zhang Jian, but not complete for these few MPs. From the materials provided by Jiangsu, these few MPs were Subei people. Between the Manchu Qing and the People's Party, Subei MPs would definitely choose the Manchu Qing. Zhang Jian was originally going to Beijing to take office; suffering such a blow before taking office, the dissatisfaction in his heart could be imagined.

Instead, Chen Ke paid more and more attention to Wang Youhong. The more a person knew clearly where his interests came from, the easier it was to understand his thoughts. Needless to ask, Wang Youhong was determined to get his own interests in the "Federation of Autonomous Provinces". As long as Wang Youhong's personal interests could be guaranteed, the People's Party wouldn't have any unpredictable conflicts with Jiangsu instead.

Thinking of this, Chen Ke looked at the comrades around him. The war to seize Subei was too easy, so that many comrades proposed to take advantage of the victory to seize the entire Jiangsu. The Sunan area had always been rich; the Qinhuai land of Nanjing, Suzhou, and Yangzhou had always been places of wealth. The salt merchants of Lianghuai were very rich; if all this money could be taken for themselves...

Some comrades simply asked straightforwardly: "Do we really have to honor the agreement with Yuan Shikai?"

"An agreement is an agreement. Don't play petty tricks. Doing things must be reasonable and restrained. Yuan Shikai breaking faith is one thing; we will give him a corresponding response because he breaks faith. But this is not a reason for us not to be reasonable ourselves." Chen Ke loved playing petty tricks since childhood, and he had suffered too many losses from this.

Recalling that Chen Ke asked comrades to learn to observe and judge the attitude of Jiangsu representatives before, looking at these comrades now, Chen Ke saw most comrades were thoughtful; it seemed they all had their own insights.

Unlike the Jiangsu representatives who shared the same bed but dreamt different dreams, the People's Party negotiation team was indeed of one heart and one mind. To let everyone see more clearly, Chen Ke threw out the latest news. "Gentlemen of Jiangsu, the Yuan Shikai cabinet telegraphed the world the day before yesterday. Formally proposing the view of implementing the Federation of Autonomous Provinces. Moreover, the Yuan Shikai cabinet is preparing to establish a new constitution, guaranteeing the reform line unshaken in the form of law."

Hearing this big news, the Jiangsu representatives were dumbfounded for a moment, not knowing whether to believe Chen Ke or not.

The first to react was Wang Youhong; he asked urgently: "Then how do the gentlemen of the People's Party view this matter?"

Chen Ke replied indifferently: "Us? We don't oppose reform. But we firmly believe that the Manchu Qing is the biggest enemy of reform. Reform can be done, but the Manchu Qing must be overthrown! We have telegraphed this view to the world and published statements in many newspapers."

Hearing Chen Ke's words, Wang Youhong's expression immediately became solemn. Zhang Jian pursed his lips tightly, feeling somewhat enlightened. As for the other MPs, they didn't understand what People's Party Chairman Chen Ke was saying from beginning to end. They didn't even know what Jiangsu Governor Wang Youhong, who came with them, was saying.