"Chairman Chen, the brothers... the comrades are emotional. Do we still want Party unity or not?" Pang Zi was now the Brigade Commander of the 5th Cavalry Brigade and considered a high-ranking cadre. Among the comrades who were throwing tantrums, there were quite a few "good fellows" from the Shandong side. Pang Zi had been pushed forward to speak on their behalf.

"Brother Pang, you've known Chairman Chen for a long time. You have to speak up for everyone."

"That's right. If the army were led by Brother Pang, Brother Wu, or Brother Chai, we'd accept whatever they say. But those birds in the back are throwing bricks in the dark, and nobody can stand it. You have to help us."

Under the requests of his brothers, Pang Zi had no choice but to step forward.

Pang Zi also harbored some anger towards the army commissars in his heart. These people were fine when fighting battles, and they could convince the masses when doing things together. But once they started reasoning, they recognized no family or relations. A man lives for his face, just as a tree lives for its bark. The brothers also had to lead troops and fight; they couldn't have their face completely stripped away. Pang Zi spoke up publicly with a somewhat tragic sense of duty.

As soon as he finished speaking, Pang Zi immediately saw the other high-ranking Party cadres looking at him with strange expressions. Pang Zi immediately lost his nerve. In the Shandong troops, Chai Qingguo and Chen Tianhua were the leaders. Although Wu Xingchen had high status, ever since the People's Party began reorganizing the Shandong base area, he had ceased to speak publicly. On the rare occasions he did speak, the implication was always "obey the Party's command in everything." The principle wasn't wrong, but the higher-ups managed things too strictly, and Pang Zi was genuinely unconvinced in his heart.

"This question is asked well. Today, we will specifically discuss feudal ideology." Chen Ke wasn't angry at all. Right now, everyone had to be allowed to speak, to speak the truth, to speak their minds. He had spent the better part of last year traveling around the base areas specifically to see what the local comrades were doing and what they would say. Without these practical investigations, Chen Ke wouldn't have dared to rashly hold such a large meeting.

"One of the characteristics of feudalism is the distribution of power. Theoretically, a certain core holds all power. Then, through a system, power is distributed to the people around them. Why distribute power? Because one person cannot manage a country, so power can only be held by other people and groups through a model of enfeoffment. However, the ownership of power belongs to the core power holder. Our China has a long history of the imperial system, so everyone can easily understand..."

Chen Ke explained very patiently. Grandpa Mao had always required that revolution be combined with China's national conditions. So, understanding China's national conditions was the primary task. As a time traveler, Chen Ke's greatest advantage was "standing outside of things." The era of 1910 had no connection to him. He could analyze this era completely from the perspective of an outsider.

Feudalism was the mainstream ideology in the era of 1910. Countless people, based on their own positioning, hoped to acquire the status of a "lord" within the entire system. Whether a great lord or a small lord, they all wanted to solidify their power. They attempted to turn power and capital into things they owned. Even if they couldn't achieve eternal existence, they hoped for hereditary nobility. Whether it could be achieved or not was decided by the outside world, but from an internal perspective, everyone's instinctual pursuit was the same.

Hoping to reject any supervision and restraint through the feudal method of enfeoffment, and for small groups to possess solidified power—this was the starting point of sectarianism within the Party. Chen Ke did not shy away from these things at all; he explained the ins and outs very thoroughly. If a political party of a communist nature told lies in its basic theoretical construction within the party, then it would be completely finished.

During Chen Ke's explanation of feudalism, Pang Zi already understood what Chen Ke was saying. His face began to burn in waves. It was an unpleasant feeling to have the words he dared not say in his heart pointed out by someone else.

"Comrades, at the present stage, our People's Party is a political party of large-scale industrialization. One of the characteristics of large-scale industrialization is that various seemingly unrelated departments are actually all parts of the entire state apparatus. And the socialist system we are implementing determines the nature of this state apparatus. The state apparatus is a tool for class rule. Who is the ruling class of China? The working people are the ruling class; this stance cannot be wrong. We, the People's Party, are not the ruling class. We are the revolutionary vanguard of the broad masses of working people. We ourselves are part of the working people. It is the people who hand power to us, not we who create a system of power inheritance and then transmit power layer by layer."

On this issue, Chen Ke had engaged in persistent discussions with the central high command. No matter how arduous the debate, Chen Ke insisted on implementing this concept.

"What is Party unity? Party unity is working together with one heart and one mind to complete tasks. It is not wallowing in the mire together or hiding one's light under a bushel. If monitoring and reporting work is treated as picking faults, as others challenging one's personal interests, then naturally one will not accept supervision. And do comrades who are unwilling to accept monitoring have the idea that they don't trust the organization? As if once someone files a complaint, the organization can no longer distinguish right from wrong, and the reported comrade will be wronged and falsely accused. Is he the only one who is correct? Is everyone else a bastard? Comrade Pang Zi, what do you think?"

Pang Zi dared not speak anymore. In fact, what Pang Zi hated was being reported and exposed by others. Usually, there were not just one or two people who came to him to file black complaints or throw bricks in the dark. It was precisely because he had seen so many excessive things that Pang Zi was genuinely afraid that others would do the same to him. But he couldn't say these things publicly, or wouldn't he become the kind of person who files black complaints that he hated the most?

"Why hold such a big meeting this time? I don't believe this meeting can solve all problems once and for all. Everyone hopes for a once-and-for-all solution, but that is unrealistic. So, I want to reach a consensus with comrades at this meeting: there is no such thing as once-and-for-all in the world. do comrades agree?" Chen Ke asked with an attitude of protracted war.

No one disagreed; everyone expressed their agreement with this basic viewpoint.

"Comrades, let us analyze our success so far. I have said many times, it is not the People's Party that wants to make a revolution, but the people who need a revolution. Our success comes from the fact that the masses of people who need revolution met the People's Party, and the two sides combined. Only then did we have today's situation. Our combination with the masses is accomplished by following the mass line and through detailed and profound mass work. It is not that we stand there and wave our arms, and the masses swarm to surround us. Everyone has done so much concrete work, and not too much time has passed. I ask you, which start of work was not us going to the masses, hoping to get their support through our work? Which start of work was the masses spontaneously finding us and asking us to support them in solving social problems?"

Hearing this, everyone admitted that Chen Ke was right, but a considerable number of high-ranking cadres still couldn't accept this concept in their hearts. If all strength comes from the masses, then what do the People's Party's efforts count for? The hard sweat, the hot blood and life, what do the countless dedications and sacrifices everyone made count for?

If it weren't for the fact that Chen Ke himself was the person who contributed the most in the People's Party, if it weren't for the fact that Chen Ke had dedicated his everything to the Party and the people, perhaps someone would have already questioned him in public.

"Comrades, if you have any thoughts, just say them directly. I won't deceive you. Before deciding on the revolution, I also felt that I should get everything, I should own everything, and I should control everything. This kind of thinking is not shameful. This is a matter determined by human biology. Everyone instinctively views the world this way. From a certain perspective, this attitude is also correct. However, we not only have our biological nature but also our social nature. Biologically, everyone centers on themselves. Socially, individual value is defined by society. That is to say, as Marx said, the essence of man is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In its reality, it is the ensemble of the social relations."

In the discussions with the comrades, Chen Ke felt that his theoretical level had indeed improved a lot. If it were before, Chen Ke would inevitably be complacent. Now, he long ceased to have such thoughts. After being able to view himself from a social significance, one could see the torrent of the entire society rushing forward without stopping. If one could not forge ahead, being eliminated was only a matter of time. The People's Party had already stepped onto the node. If they lay on their laurels and slept, everything would be finished.

Chen Ke couldn't help but think of the morbid groans of some public intellectuals after the high-speed rail accident: "China, please stop your flying footsteps, wait for your people, wait for your soul, wait for your morality, wait for your conscience!"

Forging ahead inevitably encounters problems and inevitably involves excruciating experiences. It is precisely because of these encounters that one must move forward and develop even more. If the pace stops, the so-called "morality and conscience" will not only not be established but will instead fall into stagnation and collapse across the board.

No matter what difficulties and obstacles lie ahead, no matter what stormy waves there will be. No matter how difficult and painful the reality of this world is for the comrades to see with their own eyes. Chen Ke had to drag the People's Party into the era of large-scale industry. Chen Ke no longer felt this was his determination. He firmly believed that this was his mission, this was the value and meaning of his existence.

The high-level officials were relatively easier to persuade because they had experienced more and seen more. Their biggest doubt was not the theory, but rather Chen Ke's method of practicing these theories. What exactly the large-scale industrial era the People's Party was opening looked like, and what attitude each person should adopt to enter this industrial era, gradually became the main content of the discussion.

Lu Huitian knew that Chen Ke had "let him off the hook." If Chen Ke wanted to, he could have used "criticizing Lu Huitian's right-leaning capitulationist line" as the pretext to convene this meeting. In fact, after discussing for so long, some people had already explicitly or implicitly proposed this view. Lu Huitian was by no means a pushover. As one of the veterans of the People's Party, Lu Huitian also had his own supporters. Even if Chen Ke had unparalleled status within the People's Party, as long as Chen Ke did not lead the criticism of Lu Huitian, others could not touch a hair on Lu Huitian's head. The reason Lu Huitian did not directly conflict with those comrades who opposed him was entirely because of Chen Ke's consistent openness and sincerity. Since Chen Ke was willing to resolve line differences through this kind of discussion, Lu Huitian was also willing to use the same method for discussion.

When Pang Zi raised the issue of "uniting comrades," Lu Huitian suddenly realized that Chen Ke was the one truly uniting comrades. Pang Zi's "unity" aimed at small groups or personal interests was purely "wallowing in the mire."

After so much discussion, Lu Huitian was, in a sense, persuaded by Chen Ke. However, he simply couldn't accept the concept of large-scale industry that Chen Ke was pushing. Just imagining the large-scale industrial era described by Chen Ke made Lu Huitian feel dizzy. That was taking China and even the world into full view, arranging immediate concrete work from a global perspective. The huge gap involved made this young man feel fear.

In order to realize the revolution under this large-scale industrial system, some revolutionary means were so cold and ruthless that they made Lu Huitian genuinely tremble. Take Lin Shenhe, the Director of the Hubei Public Security Department, as an example. During the rectification process in Wuhan, this comrade unexpectedly received Chen Ke's appreciation and support. His methods were so well-considered and his actions so ruthless and decisive that Lu Huitian felt he completely could not accept them.

Regarding Comrade Lin Shenhe, apart from political differences, Lu Huitian also had profound objections to his character. Everyone in the People's Party knew that Lin Shenhe had abducted a foreign patrolman's wife. Finally, this divorce case was adjudicated through the People's Party's court.

Foreign-related divorce cases involved huge implications. It was only because the People's Party was now strong and the foreign devils dared not make a move. Even so, the arrogant foreign devils behaved quite insolently in the People's Party's court. A group of foreign devils who came along even dared to brandish pistols in the People's Party's court. Only after being beaten up by the bailiffs with batons and rifle butts did this group of people behave themselves. With military violence as the foundation, plus the fact that it was indeed a fair court trial, the Consular Corps of the foreign devils recognized this divorce case as legal. This finally settled the dispute on the surface.

Precisely because he had gone against the foreigners, everyone was willing to support Lin Shenhe, albeit reluctantly. Otherwise, a guy who abducted someone else's wife would have been dragged out and beaten to death long ago. Lin Shenhe showed no reaction to others' cynicism. He continued to do his work at the Public Security Department. The current Lin Shenhe was lecturing comrades responsible for public security work from various places at the Party School.

"Regarding pornography, gambling, and drugs, as well as gangster forces in various places, we must eradicate them. No matter what societies or gangs these people claim to be, saying how they uphold justice and follow heavenly principles. These are all lies. Without money, what are these people after? Their purpose in pursuing status is also for money. From the perspective of our People's Party's new system, these people are organizations opposing the government. They need to be banned and eliminated." The handsome Lin Shenhe spoke fluently on the podium.

The comrades participating in this training and education were all Party members and cadres, so political education and cadre education were temporarily mixed together. Lin Shenhe was responsible for the training content for public security cadres.

"Labor is the only standard of measurement in the new order constructed by our People's Party. We must support and help all laborers. All exploiters must be eliminated. Whether one stands on the side of the broad masses of working people or on the side of the wealthy exploiting class determines one's attitude towards local forces. Especially in departments like the public security system, it is easy to see the problem clearly. Maintaining the legal system is one issue; maintaining the system of exploitation is another."

Unlike the views of many comrades towards Lin Shenhe, what Lin Shenhe said was his true realization. When he first arrived in the base area, he chose the best way to survive—"following Chen Ke's footsteps." In this marital dispute, Lin Shenhe truly loved this married woman. That was why he disregarded everything and risked great danger to be formally with this lady. Even if it meant joining the rebellious People's Party, Lin Shenhe would not hesitate.

Originally, he thought he would have to pay a huge price. This was easy to imagine. In this cruel era, a person abandoned by mainstream society would find it hard to survive, let alone bringing along an eye-catching foreign woman. That would make even eloping and fleeing incredibly difficult. No one would shelter Lin Shenhe. The benefits of betraying Lin Shenhe versus the cost of sheltering him—any normal person would happily abandon Lin Shenhe. Because of this, Lin Shenhe had to understand Chen Ke, and had to correctly understand Chen Ke's requirements for him. If even the ranks of the rebels could not tolerate Lin Shenhe, the only ending for Lin Shenhe would be to commit suicide together with his lover.

Chen Ke's requirement for Lin Shenhe was simple: honestly be a laborer and do his revolutionary work well. This lenient requirement initially even made Lin Shenhe feel that Chen Ke had some huge conspiracy. But after these few years of work, Lin Shenhe discovered that this was Chen Ke's only requirement. As long as Lin Shenhe was willing to honestly be a laborer, the revolutionary team would give Lin Shenhe and his lover a chance to turn over a new leaf.

Lin Shenhe, who had been a patrolman in Shanghai, knew what a cruel era this was. In this era, working people who had committed no mistakes struggled to make a living. This cruel era would certainly not give a person like Lin Shenhe, who had made a huge mistake, a chance to survive. After understanding that he had finally obtained a chance to turn over a new leaf, Lin Shenhe threw himself into the revolution with an attitude of ecstasy and fanaticism.

No matter how others viewed the revolution, Lin Shenhe truly believed that a society with freedom of marriage, where the value of social members was decided by labor rather than exploitative status, was absolute justice. He was willing to give his all for this revolutionary cause. When the People's Party court judged the divorce, and the civil affairs department issued a formal marriage certificate to Lin Shenhe, he believed this even more.

"Comrades can easily be deceived by the illusion of gangs and societies maintaining order. The order these organizations maintain is one that is beneficial to them. This order covers up naked exploitation." Having been in Shanghai for so long, Lin Shenhe was incredibly familiar with the ways of the gangs.

"These people control the local economy by monopolizing labor opportunities. I'll take the Boat Gang as an example. On one hand, they do not allow laborers to freely participate in dock handling. This creates a situation of scarcity in handling jobs. The Boat Gang uses this job scarcity to wantonly suppress the wages of the handling workers. On the other hand, after they control the unloading transactions, they raise loading and unloading prices by not providing unloading services to cargo ships that need them. The price difference in between is all scooped up by them. The result is that on one side, a large number of ships cannot load or unload, and on the other side, many people cannot find handling work. If we don't knock them out, the port order cannot be straightened out."

Many comrades were hearing these tricks for the first time and couldn't understand the principles for a moment. Lin Shenhe wrote "Supply and Demand" on the blackboard, and then explained the various forces one by one centering on the relationship between supply and demand. After understanding Lin Shenhe's explanation, the public security comrades were filled with righteous indignation.

"Isn't this bullying people!"

"These people are all bastards!"

Raising his hand to quiet the comrades, Lin Shenhe laughed coldly: "Everyone must know that these people dare to do anything to maintain their own interests. What fellow villager ties, what loyalty. In these gangs, the more one doesn't work, the more they brag about these things loudly. I'll take Wuhan as an example. Originally, five major gangs monopolized the docks, and there were less than a thousand people who could engage in the handling industry long-term. Among them, two hundred people basically didn't work. Each handler earned less than two hundred wen a day. Every day, they had to hand over thirty to fifty wen in tribute money. There were also over a thousand casual laborers, and these people were exploited even more miserably, earning less than one hundred wen for a day's work. Moreover, there were fights and brawls almost every day, and people died every three to five days. After knocking out the various gangs, the number of frontline handling workers officially registered in our organization's handling union increased to three thousand. No one pays any tribute money. Children can go to school, and we have also tried our best to arrange work for their families. So, should we knock out these gangs? I think I don't need to explain to comrades anymore."

The trainees nodded repeatedly with firm gazes, "That's right, these bad people must be knocked out."

"If we don't completely eliminate these people, there will be no bright universe for the broad masses of working people. So no matter how cleverly they disguise themselves, how pitifully they speak, how diligently they flatter those in power, everyone must not be deceived by them. Every single wen of money they attempt to use to bribe us is exploited from the working people; they themselves will absolutely not go to work. If we, the People's Party, allow such organizations of theirs to exist and condone such organizations operating in this mode, then we are committing a crime against the working people. We ourselves would be the enemies of the working people. As a member of the People's Party, this is absolutely not allowed!"

After finishing the general content on gangs, Lin Shenhe led the comrades to conduct field inspections. In addition to inspections of the port and freight industry, arrangements were also made for grievance meetings. Listening to those handling workers who had suffered deeply personally recount their past experiences was more convincing than any political class.

Just as the large group of people came out of the classroom, they saw another group of people pulling carts walking towards this side. There were Party members of various ranks in this group, from high-ranking cadres to probationary members, and the one in the lead was Chen Ke. There was nothing special about the team, but the carts were quite special. Because of the favorable wind, a smell of excrement and urine wafted from the carts.

The Party School not only had lectures but also many labors, such as manure scooping. This was done completely by headcount; no matter if you were ranked early or late, you had to do it. Manure scooping was not limited to the Party School; the toilets in the surrounding residential areas and public toilets on both sides of the roads were also within the scope of labor. Chen Ke had long made it clear that if anyone felt that labor, including manure scooping, was shameful, they could leave the People's Party immediately. There was no need to come for the revolution. The People's Party did not accept people who believed that work had high or low status.

Listening to the theory, everyone admitted that Chairman Chen Ke made sense. But the fact that Chairman Chen Ke led the team to scoop manure with a calm and composed attitude indeed gave many people a profound shock. The two teams were in a hurry, going along their respective tracks to complete their tasks.

Outside the Party School, several pairs of alert eyes were staring at the People's Party's Party School. The large-scale assembly of the People's Party was in itself extremely abnormal. Was this preparation for war? Or was there some special plot? Both the Wuhan Consular Corps and the Beiyang government cared extremely about it. The Wuhan Consular Corps was very close, so even if the news was "magical," it was convenient to verify. For Beiyang's secret agents, let's not talk about the training inside the campus. The cadres of the People's Party sweeping streets and scooping manure pits was truly something beyond their imagination. What on earth were these people doing? Had they gone mad?

And when the figure of Chen Ke pulling a manure cart appeared, the secret agents even thought there was something wrong with their eyes. But the result of trailing him made this group of people want to gouge their eyes out. Chen Ke, whose status in today's China was second only to Yuan Shikai, was holding a long-handled manure ladle and earnestly scooping manure from ordinary public toilets. The secret agents dared not get close. They all believed that this was merely a person who looked very much like Chen Ke; this person absolutely could not be Chen Ke.

Therefore, neither Beiyang nor the Consular Corps received any relevant reports.