In all fairness, the sericulture cooperation agreement between the Jiangsu government and the People's Party could be considered the second truly meaningful modern agricultural technology cooperation agreement in China. The first was the agreement between the Beiyang government and the United States to introduce American long-staple cotton. Large-scale planting of American long-staple cotton in Hebei and Shandong, with the cotton being sold to textile mills in Tianjin and Qingdao, was a genuine achievement of the Beiyang administration.

For the sericulture cooperation, Wang Youhong designated three counties near Nanjing as pilot zones. In these three counties, it was mandatory to purchase silkworm eggs exclusively from the People's Party and use the rearing methods provided by them. Jiangsu also had to fund the purchase of silk reeling equipment produced by the People's Party. For the next four years, Jiangsu was restricted to buying silk reeling equipment only from the People's Party. In return, the People's Party guaranteed that the price of their equipment would not be higher than that of other merchants. regarding procurement, the People's Party would purchase raw silk at a fixed price, negotiated seasonally.

Regarding payment, the costs for silkworm eggs, technology, and silk reeling equipment would be deducted directly from the proceeds after the delivery of spring cocoons in the spring of 1911. The Jiangsu side, in the name of the government, applied for a low-interest loan with an annual interest rate of 5% from the People's Party's commercial bank. This was used to purchase the People's Party's technical services and equipment.

The risk of default fell on the government. Although the gentry still felt uneasy, at least they didn't have to pay extra money upfront, and the interest rate on this loan from the People's Party was indeed low enough. For the sericulture industry, a monthly interest rate of 2.5% was considered a conscientious price. That is to say, one had to pay 2.5% interest every month. Unless a familiar person acted as a guarantor, no one would be willing to lend money to you for nothing. The People's Party's annual interest rate was only 5%, which was no different from borrowing for free.

However, the People's Party's style was quite unique. They required Jiangsu to produce a schedule. Calculated by the day, the Jiangsu side had to list in detail what stage matters must proceed to. Wang Youhong agreed to this, and he requested the People's Party to send a set of silk reeling equipment as soon as possible.

The gentry were very supportive of this. Once the People's Party's silk reeling equipment arrived, Jiangsu could immediately process this year's cocoons. Since these were currently free of charge, regardless of whether it was short silk or long silk, it could be sold at a low price immediately after reeling. This could at least recoup some of last year's economic losses.

After the agreement was reached, the People's Party representatives immediately set off back to Wuhan. Wang Youhong then summoned the assembly members for a meeting. This contract was not harsh, especially in terms of money. Jiangsu could even be said to have gained quite a bit. If the People's Party's silk reeling equipment could be delivered, Jiangsu could even be said to have made a profit. Just thinking about using it for free for a year before paying, the Jiangsu assembly members were filled with excitement. The assembly members clamored that once this silk reeling factory started operations, it should prioritize processing their own families' cocoons.

Amidst the contention, the gentry of the three pilot counties designated by Wang Youhong were somewhat uneasy. These three counties were right next to Nanjing. Wang Youhong insisted on forcing them to implement the "Rural Land Society". Everyone couldn't see what future benefits this new model would have. The immediate issue was that Wang Youhong insisted on determining the land area. After determining the land, it would be determining the tax amount. Given the extortionate taxation at the end of the Qing Dynasty, this was equivalent to putting a noose around the necks of the gentry and common people in these three counties. If Wang Youhong just used a little force, these people would roll their eyes and die. But at this point, the gentry in other regions were all waiting to recoup their losses after the agreement was reached, so they were "unable to help" the gentry of these three counties.

"Gentlemen, let me say this upfront. The Jiangsu government is absolutely not the People's Party; we definitely do not want everyone's land. However, the People's Party is most adept at making a move when others are in trouble. I assume everyone has heard quite a bit of news from Anhui, Hubei, and Northern Jiangsu. If our Southern Jiangsu falls into chaos itself, and the People's Party takes advantage of the void to enter, do you gentlemen think everyone's land can be preserved then? If we in Jiangsu cannot cooperate sincerely, not to mention the People's Party, even the New Army's 3rd Division under Commander Duan in neighboring Zhejiang, is that easy to deal with?" Wang Youhong did not offer inducements, only threats.

Hearing these words, the Jiangsu gentry, who were originally excited or uneasy, all shivered. The People's Party naturally didn't need mentioning, but Duan Qirui of the Beiyang New Army's 3rd Division stationed in Zhejiang had made quite a name for himself for "extortionate taxation" in Zhejiang over the past year or so. The People's Party was the enemy of the Jiangsu gentry, but the Beiyang clique was definitely not their friend either. With a wolf in front and a tiger behind, the only one they could rely on was this Governor Wang Youhong who dared to negotiate with the People's Party. No matter what, Jiangsu still had Governor Wang Youhong's army and Governor Wang Youhong who was willing to seek benefits for the Jiangsu gentry. If someone else were to rule Jiangsu, heaven knows what state the gentry would fall into.

Thinking of this, the Jiangsu gentry finally braced themselves and began to discuss the issue of the "Rural Land Society" with Wang Youhong.

"Achoo!" Duan Qirui sneezed. Rubbing his nose, Commander Duan picked up the Hangzhou Longjing tea and took a sip. Commander Duan didn't really believe in telepathy, so even if he knew that the Jiangsu gentry were badmouthing him under the leadership of Jiangsu Governor Wang Youhong, he wouldn't connect these bad words with this sneeze. Compared to the Jiangsu gentry, the total amount of bad things the Zhejiang gentry said about Duan Qirui behind his back was probably a hundred times more than in Jiangsu.

Since attacking and entering Zhejiang in 1909, the New Army's 3rd Division had quickly recovered its vitality relying on tax revenue. However, geographically, the 3rd Division could be said to be isolated outside the Beiyang sphere of influence. To return to the northern territories, the land route required passing through Jiangsu and the "Huaihai Province" newly established by the People's Party. Neither of these was easy to deal with. Especially since Duan Qirui had once been stationed in Xuzhou, the current provincial capital of Huaihai Province, he knew that to pass through Xuzhou, he would have to engage in field warfare with the People's Party. When the People's Party's strength was "weak", the 3rd Division could be completely wiped out. Now that the People's Party's wings were fully grown, the 3rd Division attacking would just be delivering meat to their doorstep.

The sea route was passable. The fleet commanded by Sa Zhenbing, the Minister of the Navy of the Beiyang government, patrolled between Tianjin and Zhejiang. The People's Party currently only had Lianyungang as a port, and they didn't have any ocean-going fleet. This was the only military force Beiyang currently had that could suppress the People's Party.

Duan Qirui had originally thought that after seizing Zhejiang, he could strengthen the 3rd Division's military power and threaten southeast Anhui. But the changes in the situation were truly dumbfounding. The People's Party, which originally seemed to be in a life-or-death struggle with Beiyang, actually reached an agreement with Lord Yuan. The two sides actually took the Manchu imperial clan as a common enemy and formed a new alliance. Duan Qirui's mission actually turned into controlling Jiangsu and Zhejiang, and then plotting for Shanghai. Shanghai was currently the largest source of customs revenue. Controlling Shanghai, which Beiyang's Yuan Shikai had never been able to fully intervene in, would give Beiyang the most stable source of wealth.

However, the British in Shanghai were quite tricky. Since the Qing Dynasty had already substantially collapsed, and Duan Qirui had obtained the official title of Governor of Zhejiang and subsequently began to encroach on Shanghai, the British side privately negotiated with other countries and reached an agreement: "Before the end of the Chinese Civil War, customs revenue will temporarily not be paid to the Beiyang Cabinet Government."

After Duan Qirui had controlled Shanghai to a certain extent, the news he brought back gave Yuan Shikai a massive headache. He couldn't exactly say bluntly now, "We have an agreement with the People's Party! Hand over my money!"

If he said that, Yuan Shikai would become the biggest laughingstock. Now, no matter what, Yuan Shikai was still a "loyal minister" of the Qing Dynasty and the Vice Prime Minister of the Qing Cabinet. This pretense had to be kept up. Only after the National Assembly officially convened in 1911 would the death sentence of the Qing Dynasty be pronounced.

Wang Shizhen had once expressed in a letter to Duan Qirui that he hoped Duan Qirui could persuade Yuan Shikai to preserve the nominal existence of the Qing Dynasty no matter what. After the British made this demand, Wang Shizhen never mentioned this matter again. Duan Qirui had a very good relationship with Wang Shizhen, and he could completely imagine the situation his old brother Wang Shizhen was facing. The People's Party was destined not to be eliminated. And if Beiyang just moved a finger, the Qing Dynasty could be finished. The Beiyang Cabinet was now under enormous economic pressure. Under such circumstances, trying to maintain the nominal existence of the Qing Dynasty would not be agreed to by anyone in the Beiyang Cabinet.

For example, Liang Qichao, a die-hard royalist, had once vigorously promoted the benefits of constitutional monarchy when he first joined the Beiyang Cabinet. Now he wasn't making a sound either. Faced with financial problems, any status or title had to yield.

Like Jiangsu, the Zhejiang sericulture industry had also been greatly impacted this year. No one bought the silkworm cocoons, and silkworm farmers went bankrupt one after another. Wang Youhong could at least cooperate and struggle with the Jiangsu Assembly. Duan Qirui, an outsider, had raked in quite a bit of money to rebuild the New Army's 3rd Division. The gentry didn't believe Duan Qirui could help them solve their problems at all. Moreover, Duan Qirui was a soldier and didn't understand these commercial issues. The two sides talked several times with no result. It wasn't until August 1910 that the gentry really couldn't hold on anymore and asked to see Duan Qirui again.

However, the leader this time was not a member of the gentry, but Cai Yuanpei, the President of the Guangfu Society in southern Zhejiang. Beiyang had allocated southern Zhejiang for the Guangfu Society to operate in, with an agreed term of one year, which was now almost up. Duan Qirui was very wary of Cai Yuanpei's visit. The Guangfu Society's recent movements had been subtle; not only had they recovered their vitality in southern Zhejiang, but a small team had also entered western Zhejiang to operate. Duan Qirui could distinguish priorities very well; his energy was all focused on seizing control of Shanghai. Even though he knew a small Guangfu Society team was operating in western Zhejiang, Duan Qirui pretended not to see it as long as it didn't reach the point where he had to act.

After exchanging greetings, Cai Yuanpei asked, "Lord Duan, you are widely knowledgeable. You should have heard of Sun Wen, correct?"

"Hmph." Duan Qirui snorted through his nose. Sun Wen, this revolutionary who once had some fame, had participated in forming the Tongmenghui, a revolutionary party. The Guangfu Society led by Cai Yuanpei had once joined the Tongmenghui. Duan Qirui was quite clear about these basic historical facts. However, since the rise of the People's Party, the Tongmenghui had gradually faded from the chaotic stage of the late Qing Dynasty. At least Duan Qirui hadn't heard news of Sun Wen for a long time.

Hearing Cai Yuanpei mention this person, Duan Qirui replied flatly, "I heard this person is in Japan. I assume he is very familiar with Mr. Cai."

Cai Yuanpei nodded very seriously, "Indeed very familiar. Recently, Mr. Sun has created the doctrine of 'Three People's Principles' (San Min Zhu Yi). I would like to ask Lord Duan to take a look."

Duan Qirui frowned slightly. He was currently busy enough as it was; where would he have the time to read such boring political propaganda? Looking at Cai Yuanpei's fervent expression, Duan Qirui asked, "Mr. Cai, whether it's the Three People's Principles or People'sism, it's just a saying. Mr. Cai is a famous scholar; I presume you didn't come to me to talk about this matter, right?"

Cai Yuanpei had originally just wanted to use this as an opening. He hadn't expected Duan Qirui to cut straight to the chase like this. However, since the topic had been broached, he knew Duan Qirui could absolutely not be interested in the Three People's Principles. Steading himself, Cai Yuanpei said, "Lord Duan, I see from the National Assembly's charter that a parliament must be elected next year. At that time, after the Qing Dynasty is overthrown, I wonder what plans Lord Duan has?"

Duan Qirui sneezed a cold laugh, "Whether the Qing Dynasty is overthrown or not is not up to you or me to say. I know Mr. Cai is dedicated to overthrowing the Qing, but I, Duan, only follow Lord Yuan's dispatch. I'm afraid Mr. Cai has found the wrong person to discuss this matter with."

After being rebuffed by Duan Qirui twice in a row, Cai Yuanpei did not lose heart in the slightest. On the contrary, given that Duan Qirui hadn't seen him out despite the unpleasant conversation, Cai Yuanpei knew that Duan Qirui still needed him. Organizing his thoughts, Cai Yuanpei said, "Lord Duan, since every province must elect assembly members next year, I wonder what plans Lord Duan has for this matter?"

Cai Yuanpei had indeed pointed out Duan Qirui's sore spot. Although he was nominally the Governor of Zhejiang, Zhejiang was falling apart. There were foreigners outside, hostile gentry inside, and even armed forces like the Guangfu Society existed. Duan Qirui absolutely had no way to organize a parliament according to the local situation. With enemies everywhere now, organizing a parliament was simply looking for trouble. Duan Qirui had actually been waiting for these local snakes to proactively bow at his door, and then, after eliminating hostility, try to form an obedient parliament on a minimal basis. But now, these local gentry either only considered their own interests or simply didn't react. If not for this, Duan Qirui would absolutely not have wasted so many words with Cai Yuanpei.

"Did Mr. Cai come here to discuss the matter of the parliament?" Duan Qirui pretended to just understand.

"Lord Duan, you are a smart man. I neither want to coerce Lord Duan nor do I want to pretend that we have no thoughts on the matter of the Zhejiang Assembly. If Lord Duan wants to form the Zhejiang Assembly, we, the Guangfu Society, are willing to work with Lord Duan to get the Zhejiang Assembly up and running. Otherwise, with Zhejiang in such a mess now, what does it look like?" Cai Yuanpei spoke very clearly.

Hearing these ambitious words, Duan Qirui narrowed his eyes slightly. Yuan Shikai hadn't let Duan Qirui use forceful means to sweep through Zhejiang, and Duan Qirui had once thought Yuan Shikai was too cautious. After working in Zhejiang for over a year himself, he had to admit that Yuan Shikai indeed had foresight. The customs of Jiangnan were indeed vastly different from the North. Perhaps it was a matter of northern personality; northern local forces were tougher—they either fought you hard or cooperated with Beiyang relatively readily. In Zhejiang, the locality and the government maintained a subtle relationship of being neither close nor distant. Even facing the Beiyang New Army's 3rd Division, who were outsiders, the Zhejiang locality could maintain a superficial relationship.

But cooperation between the two sides was absolutely out of the question. The reorganized New Army's 3rd Division only had about ten thousand troops. Although they had appointed some local officials, the term "ingrate" was completely insufficient to describe the detestable degree of these new local officials. They combined the traits of greedy people and incompetent people in one body. It could be said that more than half of Duan Qirui's reputation had been ruined by this bunch of new officials.

After mulling it over for a while, Duan Qirui said, "Does Mr. Cai want to intervene in the entire Zhejiang?"

Cai Yuanpei replied frankly, "Not intervene, but to form a new Zhejiang government together with Lord Duan. Lord Duan, the situation has reached this point, and we, the Guangfu Society, also appreciate Lord Yuan's kindness. If we keep entangling in past matters, it will only make Zhejiang more and more chaotic. What benefit is there for Lord Duan? The Guangfu Society is willing to support Lord Duan in sitting firmly in Zhejiang, but the Guangfu Society only wants one thing: in next year's National Assembly, the Zhejiang assembly members must vote in favor of overthrowing the Qing."

Regarding the demise of the Qing Dynasty, Duan Qirui had long known it was only a matter of time. If Beiyang couldn't get customs revenue, then they would definitely have to overthrow the Qing. These superficial efforts weren't the problem. The only problem lay in how exactly these assembly members could support Duan Qirui and support Beiyang. Faced with the cunning gentry of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Duan Qirui truly felt a bit unable to cope. With military force, he could extort property and collect taxes. But once a parliament was established, Duan Qirui would inevitably have to share power with the parliament. At that time, Duan Qirui couldn't use the army to coerce the assembly members to be obedient, could he?

Seeing that Duan Qirui already had the intention to cooperate, Cai Yuanpei took out an item. "Lord Duan, this is the manuscript of 'Three People's Principles' written by Mr. Sun Wen. It contains many ideas on government formation. Lord Duan might as well take a look before deciding."

Duan Qirui wasn't uninterested in political trends. He frequently corresponded with Wang Shizhen, discussing the current political structure of the world. In terms of political construction alone, the People's Party was undoubtedly the well-deserved number one. On top of completely destroying the old system, the People's Party established their organization with dumbfounding speed.

The one that could be said to be following closely behind was Wang Youhong of Jiangsu. After the People's Party captured Northern Jiangsu, Duan Qirui didn't believe the People's Party would abide by the agreement with Yuan Shikai and keep Southern Jiangsu. As a result, the People's Party actually did abide by the agreement. Wang Youhong stepped onto the political stage of Southern Jiangsu in the role of successor to the constitutional pioneer Zhang Xun. At any rate, he had maintained the Jiangsu Assembly until now. It could be considered as having weathered the storm.

Wang Shizhen believed that these people all had their own political programs and could organize a government according to a set model. Beiyang's model was simple; it was a variation of the Qing Dynasty. But Beiyang had always attached importance to industry and commerce, and to opening banks. In the North, Yuan Shikai had already ordered people to open several industrial banks to invest in local industry and commerce, which had yielded some results.

But Zhejiang was isolated outside of Beiyang. It was impossible to completely imitate Beiyang's model. It was even impossible to integrate with Beiyang economically. Duan Qirui intuitively felt that, bearing the heavy responsibility of Beiyang, he could only create a Zhejiang model that belonged to Duan Qirui. As for what kind of model to choose, Duan Qirui had never had a clue.

Looking at the "Three People's Principles" manuscript that Cai Yuanpei was enthusiastically introducing, Duan Qirui wanted to draw some lessons from it, even if he knew it was a trap. After wrestling in his heart for a moment, Duan Qirui took the manuscript.

When Duan Qirui finally took the manuscript, Cai Yuanpei breathed a huge sigh of relief in his heart. Since 1905, the speed of changes in the revolutionary situation had left Cai Yuanpei dumbfounded. As a famous scholar, Cai Yuanpei firmly believed that action was important, but theory was even more important. Looking at the revolutionary parties that truly aimed to overthrow the Qing at that time, Sun Yat-sen was already the person most capable of producing a theoretical basis. Cai Yuanpei would rather leave the Guangfu Society temporarily to discuss with Sun Yat-sen because he appreciated and supported Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary theory.

Chen Ke, this young man, didn't even catch Cai Yuanpei's eye at the time. Not to mention that Chen Ke himself didn't join the Guangfu Society at all, but single-handedly started his own revolutionary organization in Shanghai. Just such a penniless young man, who relied on selling a watch to Qiu Jin in exchange for a few dozen taels of silver. He opened a dye factory, made medicine, then ran a school and formed a political party. Then he took Yan Fu as his teacher, went to Beijing to see the world, and then suddenly rose to prominence during the floods in Anhui.

By the time Cai Yuanpei turned his gaze back to Chen Ke, he saw the People's Party rising violently. It had the appearance of sweeping across the world. Meanwhile, Tao Chengzhang, Qiu Jin, Xu Xilin, and others who maintained cooperation with the People's Party, although suffering repeated setbacks, had also established achievements after leading the Guangfu Society to break away from the Tongmenghui. Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren left the Tongmenghui in 1908, taking away the members of the Hunan Huaxing Society who served as the backbone. The Tongmenghui, which originally held the leading position in the revolution, disintegrated so rapidly in a situation without any external enemy strikes.

In such a situation, Sun Yat-sen did not become depressed. On the contrary, he buried himself in writing, attempting to establish a revolutionary theory that could rival the People's Party. Cai Yuanpei felt he couldn't help, so he returned to Zhejiang. But it just so happened that Duan Qirui led the Beiyang 3rd Division into Zhejiang, dealing a heavy blow to the Guangfu Society led by Tao Chengzhang, Qiu Jin, and others. Hearing the message sent by Chen Ke, Cai Yuanpei went to negotiate with Yuan Shikai with the determination to die. Unexpectedly, Yuan Shikai actually gave the Guangfu Society space to exist.

The Guangfu Society saved its existence from the brink of destruction, but the change in the situation gave the Tongmenghui a final blow. Yuan Shikai and the People's Party suddenly broke off their military standoff, marched back to Beijing to seize central power, and at the same time opened the National Assembly wide. Now, the various factions that had been clamoring for revolution in Japan, as well as the revolutionary youth, all saw the dawn of republican constitutionalism. They no longer cared about the Tongmenghui. They either leaned towards the constitutional monarchy that had actually been established, or simply returned to China to defect to Beiyang, attempting to realize their political ambitions.

Cai Yuanpei received news from Japan that the Tongmenghui existed in name only. Various factions within it had all returned to China to participate in the struggle for the assemblies in various provinces. Those still sticking with the Tongmenghui were only Sun Yat-sen, Chen Qimei, and a few revolutionary youths led by Wang Jingwei in the north.

Just as he was burning with anxiety, Sun Yat-sen suddenly had someone send the finally completed revolutionary program and political design of "Three People's Principles" to Cai Yuanpei. As soon as Cai Yuanpei saw it, he resolved to build a brand-new Zhejiang based on this program.

During his days in southern Zhejiang, Cai Yuanpei had also studied the programs proposed by various domestic political factions. Although the program proposed by Chen Ke was not publicized much externally, it wasn't completely impossible to obtain. As soon as Cai Yuanpei saw the program of "the working people being the masters of the house" proposed by Chen Ke, he immediately and thoroughly opposed it. Bragging about people's rights was one thing, but guaranteeing "the working people being the masters of the house" through a political system was another.

Laborers must be under the leadership of intellectuals, or rather, the landlord-gentry group led by intellectuals like Cai Yuanpei. This was the system Cai Yuanpei truly identified with. Farmers who didn't know many characters were indeed laborers, but what right did they have to stand over scholars? Even if only for this point, Cai Yuanpei drew a clear line with the People's Party.

But Sun Yat-sen's "Three People's Principles" allowed Cai Yuanpei to see an ideal in it. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary program composed of Nationalism, Democracy (People's Rights), and Livelihood (People's Livelihood) was abbreviated as "Three People's Principles".

In Sun Yat-sen's political platform, the Three People's Principles were fully expressed in the four phrases: "Expel the Tartars, Restore China, Establish a Republic, Equalize Land Rights".

Nationalism was the battle flag Sun Yat-sen raised first. It reflected the complex contradictions between ethnic groups in modern Chinese society—both the contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation, and the contradiction between the Qing ruling group headed by Manchu nobles and the Han nationality and other ethnic minorities. Imperialism and the Qing ruling group were increasingly colluding.

One of the main contents of nationalism was "Anti-Manchu". "Expel the Tartars, Restore China" had always been the battle slogan of the bourgeois revolutionary democrats in the late Qing Dynasty. This was not only because the Qing Dynasty was a feudal autocratic regime "dominated from above" by Manchu nobles, but also because it had become a "court of foreigners". The reason why the "Anti-Manchu" slogan had such broad mobilization significance lay in this. Avoiding the doom of China being partitioned or co-administered, and striving for national independence and liberation, was another main content of nationalism. In the inaugural statement of "Min Bao", Sun Yat-sen listed "oppression by foreign powers" and "encroachment by alien races" side by side as the basic reasons why nationalism "could not be delayed for a moment". "Without revolution, there is no way to save the dying nation," and revolution must "first overthrow the Manchu government". The significance of nationalism in opposing imperialist oppression was contained in this.

Democracy (People's Rights) was the core of the Three People's Principles. It reflected another major contradiction in modern Chinese society, namely the contradiction between feudalism and the masses. The basic content of Democracy was: exposing and criticizing feudal autocracy, pointing out that the feudal social-political system deprived human rights, and thus was by no means "what equal citizens can bear"; the feudal monarchy must be overthrown through the path of "National Revolution", replaced by a republican system of "democratic constitutionalism", ending the serious state of "thousands of years of autocracy without relief". Corresponding to this "change" in "state polity", the planning of the form of government also constituted an important content of Democracy.

Comparing with "Three People's Principles", Cai Yuanpei understood the People's Party's revolutionary program even more. The People's Party also proposed anti-Qing and anti-imperialism, but these were not the People's Party's program, but rather tasks for various stages of the revolution. The core program of the People's Party, "the working people being the masters of the house", achieved the tasks of anti-exploitation in various stages through class struggle. Anyone identified by the People's Party as an "exploiter", whether Manchu Qing or imperialism, was an object to be overthrown.

Undoubtedly, these could explain the People's Party's ruthless crackdown on landlords and gentry during land reform. Landlords and gentry were considered exploiters by the People's Party simply because they owned land, and then their land was confiscated in its entirety. Landlords and gentry who dared to resist with arms were all ruthlessly suppressed.

And the "People's Livelihood" in Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles made Cai Yuanpei admire incomparably. Sun Yat-sen summarized the main content of People's Livelihood into two major issues: land and capital. "Equalization of Land Rights"—"Land Nationalization" was Sun Yat-sen's land scheme. The main content was "improve the social economic organization and verify the land prices of the world. The current land price still belongs to the original owner. The increased value from social improvement and progress after the revolution belongs to the state and is shared by the nationals". Sun Yat-sen believed that the implementation of this scheme could prevent monopoly and also make "the public family richer", thereby promoting "social development".

That is to say, the landlords and gentry could still guarantee ownership of the land. Only the portion of the price in transactions that was higher than the original land price would be taxed by the state, and these funds would be used for national construction.

In Cai Yuanpei's view, the People's Party's direct government leadership of land operations was the greatest exploitation. The People's Party not only controlled political power but also economic power. It was a political party that thoroughly implemented dictatorship and autocracy under the banner of revolution. Its evil was probably even worse than the Qing Dynasty.

So Cai Yuanpei ran to recommend Sun Yat-sen's "Three People's Principles" program to Duan Qirui, just to prevent Zhejiang from turning into the kind of province where the People's Party's evil ran rampant.

Duan Qirui had absolutely no interest in the political and land parts mentioned earlier. The experience of over a year had made Duan Qirui deeply aware of the difficulty of collecting taxes from Jiangnan landlords. Anything that couldn't be realized was useless. As a soldier, Duan Qirui adhered to this pragmatic attitude.

However, seeing the construction of the political system later on, Duan Qirui became completely interested.

To correspond with the Three People's Principles, Sun Yat-sen proposed the Separation of Five Powers. He believed that the three branches of power should not be adopted like in the West, so Sun Yat-sen added examination and control powers to form five powers.

Although Duan Qirui didn't understand business, he wasn't ignorant of politics.

In Duan Qirui's view, there was a lot to be done with the examination system proposed by Sun Yat-sen. The examination system was the method for selecting officials. The Examination Yuan, specially established, exercised the examination power, but examination and employment could not be combined because the Examination Yuan did not have executive power. It didn't even know how many people came to take the exam.

As for the control system, the impeachment power belonging to the legislative power was separated to form a separate Control Yuan. When the Control Yuan proposed impeachment, there was no parliament to try it, so it was placed in the Judicial Yuan, under which a Civil Servant Disciplinary Committee was set up. The Control Yuan initiated impeachment, and the Civil Servant Disciplinary Committee tried it.

Wasn't this opening the door wide for those in power? As long as Duan Qirui controlled the Examination Yuan and the Control Yuan, he could control the selection of officials as he pleased.

As for the parliament Sun Yat-sen came up with, on one hand, a National Assembly was set up as the organ of political power, and on the other hand, five Yuans were set up as organs of governing power. But above the five Yuans, a President was set up to manage governing power, yet this President did not have the power to command the five Yuans, only to mediate.

Duan Qirui felt that Sun Yat-sen was really an amusing person. He created a President who seemed to have high status and weight but actually controlled nothing at all. And as long as Duan Qirui controlled military power, the Examination Yuan, and the Control Yuan, and had a certain number of supporters in the parliament, this would completely sideline the parliament and this so-called President. Superficial power might belong to the so-called parliament, but in reality, it wasn't at all.

Once this thing was set up, Duan Qirui only needed to watch the parliament make a fuss. He held heavy troops in his hand; who could touch him? Moreover, Duan Qirui, who controlled the appointment and removal of officials, could act on his own. If he really couldn't stand it anymore, he could just purge the assembly members and replace them with a new batch to keep up appearances.

Is this Sun Wen really a revolutionary? Duan Qirui thought curiously.

If Zhejiang adopted Chen Ke's model, needless to say, using the system of "dictatorship of the working people" to call upon the poor common people who opposed exploitation could swallow the New Army's 3rd Division like a tide. This could be called a revolution. If it was the separation of powers parliament system set up by Wang Youhong in Jiangsu, even if there was internal chaos, even if they didn't dare to challenge the People's Party due to insufficient military power, the Jiangsu Assembly was quite united in guarding against the New Army's 3rd Division in Zhejiang. It could be considered to have formed a bloc.

But this separation of five powers, was it separating Duan Qirui's power, or separating the power of the landlords and gentry? Duan Qirui was very interested in this question. Thinking of this, Duan Qirui couldn't help but smile.

Seeing Duan Qirui smile, Cai Yuanpei quickly said, "Lord Duan, I have a humble opinion I would like to discuss with Lord Duan."

Duan Qirui put down the thick booklet and said with a smile of unfathomable depth, "Please enlighten me, Mr. Cai."