"Chairman Chen, how do you plan to deal with Zhang Xun?" He Zudao asked a very serious question while discussing work with Chen Ke.

Chen Ke smiled and asked, "Commissar He, what do you think?"

"Military control in Jiangxi is only a temporary process. Sooner or later, local cadres will take over the work in Jiangxi. Especially with the establishment of the Jiangxi People's Congress, I believe the army cannot be responsible for forming the government," He Zudao replied.

Hearing this, Chen Ke couldn't help but smile. He Zudao never disappointed him.

If there were a ranking of capability within the party now, there were more than twenty people in the list of candidates recognized by the young comrades. And since Chen Ke always said everyone should progress, there were even more young comrades confident in competing for the position of the second person in the People's Party. However, when it came to who Chairman Chen Ke liked the most, the answer was quite unified: Chairman Chen Ke liked He Zudao the most.

There were actually no specific facts to support this, but the old comrades just felt that Chen Ke liked He Zudao and took good care of him. Corresponding to this care, the feeling He Zudao gave people was that he was Chen Ke's most loyal supporter. Although Hua Xiongmao had a very good personal relationship with Chen Ke, he failed to give everyone this feeling.

And Chen Ke himself knew that he indeed thought highly of He Zudao, but he had no intention of grooming He Zudao as a successor. Chen Ke would absolutely not support military interference in politics. Even in the party's crisis planning, if Chen Ke died unexpectedly, someone must immediately take over Chen Ke's position. Even in this situation, because He Zudao was from the military, Chen Ke would not choose He Zudao to temporarily take over the party's power. But Chen Ke was relieved to hand over military and political work to He Zudao.

He Zudao was a comrade who knew that society and the times were constantly progressing. And most importantly, He Zudao was a comrade who truly believed that the way to realize his value lay in completing his work. This was not to say that He Zudao was a comrade who only knew how to obey orders, but that He Zudao believed that everything was part of his work, and what he wanted to do was just to complete his work. Nothing more.

It was precisely because of this consciousness of a true laborer that Chen Ke could be so reassured about the army's political work. He Zudao was not a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. In terms of party positions, He Zudao would rank around fifteenth. But in terms of party positions within the military, He Zudao was the number one person in the Military Commission besides Chen Ke. The Chairman of the People's Party concurrently serving as the Chairman of the Military Commission was already clearly written into the party constitution. This was the principle of the party commanding the gun. Ranked second in the Military Commission was the Director of the General Political Department, He Zudao. Politics first, military command second. Even if Hua Xiongmao was the number one person in military command, his party position was below He Zudao.

If it were another comrade in this position, it would be hard not to breed ideas of hoping to expand the Military Commission's authority. This was also a very dangerous thing. If it wasn't the party commanding the gun, but the gun attempting to participate in and dominate politics on its own, then the People's Party would run wildly in the direction of warlordism.

He Zudao had absolutely no such desire for power. For He Zudao, work was work. All power obtained by an individual was an accessory for work, all for the better completion of work. He never believed that this power should be personalized or turned into a clique. This was the biggest reason why He Zudao stood out.

So He Zudao could see the future development of the People's Congress, while Hua Xiongmao felt a bit like he considered himself the Governor of Jiangxi. This was the gap between the two.

This was not the time to criticize Hua Xiongmao. Chen Ke smiled and said, "Zhang Xun is actually a very courageous person."

Zhang Xun, the Braid General, wrote a stroke in Chinese history with "restoring the Manchu Qing." However, Zhang Xun's own evaluation in the old era was not bad. His restoration act was firstly because he was deceived, and secondly, the world situation he saw was that after the "Republic," the country was still in a terrible state, and democracy and republicanism were used as excuses for acting recklessly. The local gentry in Jiangxi had a high evaluation of Zhang Xun, believing that Zhang Xun was an honest person willing to seek welfare for the people of Jiangxi. Even after the restoration, when the whole of China opposed the restoration, few people demanded killing Zhang Xun to apologize to the world.

Chen Ke hadn't expected that Zhang Xun actually had the guts to run back to Jiangxi.

Ever since Yuan Shikai appointed Duan Qirui as the Governor of Zhejiang, the Constitutional Pioneer Braid General Zhang was temporarily without a position. And although Wang Youhong was polite to Zhang Xun verbally, he actually stripped Zhang Xun of his military positions cleanly. Zhang Xun was not discouraged. The People's Party seized Jiangxi on the grounds that "Jiangxi firmly supports the Manchu Qing imperial system," but Braid General Zhang swaggered back to Jiangxi with his entourage and began trying to form the Jiangxi Assembly.

This loyal minister of the Manchu Qing propagated the political concept of "Jiangxi people ruling Jiangxi" everywhere, and contacted landlords and gentry, explicitly proposing opposition to the land reform policy of seizing landlords' land without cause.

However, to resist the People's Party's political offensive, Zhang Xun also proposed some reformist political slogans, such as "Landlords must not exploit the common people during famine years," and "The basic livelihood of tenant farmers also needs to be guaranteed."

These slogans were not fresh. In Chinese history, scholars had proposed this kind of political propaganda with absolutely no feasibility more than once. Occupying the moral high ground was the tradition of scholars, not to mention that they were now facing the People's Party, a radical revolutionary party that wanted to completely change the land ownership system. For landlords and gentry, as long as they could keep their land, making any wish now was acceptable. Moreover, after experiencing the formation of the Jiangsu Assembly, Braid General Zhang Xun had some experience with the operation of this political system. He was not only linking up but even starting to form a party. He hoped to oppose the "Revolutionary Party's organization" with the "Gentry's organization."

Inside the army, the attitude towards Zhang Xun was mostly advocating "getting rid of him quickly." This die-hard counter-revolutionary, an executioner who slaughtered and suppressed the revolution, required no politeness. Catching the counter-revolutionary landlords and gentry in one net was also a good thing.

But He Zudao always had a different opinion. "If we deal with these people by beheading them, then what is the difference between us and the Manchu Qing?" He Zudao held such an attitude.

"Commissar He, what do you plan to do?" Chen Ke was very interested in this.

"Expose their lies, of course," He Zudao replied.

Many Jiangxi landlords had blood debts on their hands. The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army first investigated these clearly, and then sought justice for the people place by place. If one owed the people a blood debt, one had to pay with one's life. "Murderers die, those who injure others are punished." Even Liu Bang knew to make a three-article agreement with the elders of Sanqin. He Zudao had profoundly understood this in the Fengtai County base area.

If someone was to be beheaded just because they were a landlord, this was obviously unreasonable. The people would feel nothing but fear. But making murderers repay blood debts was the "justice" the people anticipated and longed for. These were the biggest weaknesses of the landlords and gentry.

The landlords and gentry believed their lives were more valuable than the common people's, and they had the right to use violence to maintain their rule. As the largest violent organ in Jiangxi, the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army naturally had the right to use violence to help the people seek repayment for blood debts. Moreover, He Zudao believed that the People's Party should not slaughter landlords, but should unceremoniously execute counter-revolutionaries who used armed force against the People's Party. Under fear, landlords and gentry easily took risks. They could certainly fire the first shot at the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army, but starting from the second shot, it would be none of their business.

This was also Chen Ke's struggle strategy in Anhui. The Chinese people would fear violence, but the greatness of the Chinese people lay in their ability to understand violence. The People's Party slaughtering hostile elements who resisted with arms was always reasonable and fair. As long as they didn't kill indiscriminately and only targeted the leaders, this kind of slaughter was completely within the people's range of acceptance.

"Two months ago, the group organized by Zhang Xun had less than thirty percent left. I admire Zhang Xun's rallying power," He Zudao laughed.

Indeed, facing such immense military and political pressure, the landlords and gentry still having the backbone to persist made Chen Ke quite appreciative. He remembered his ancestors praising a family many times. When Chen Ke's hometown was liberated, the biggest local landlord couple, an old man and woman, hanged themselves. To avoid causing trouble for others, they even hanged themselves on their own land. This family was even in-laws with Chen Ke's family, and this was the backbone Chen Ke's ancestors had always appreciated.

Feeling that the times had changed, feeling that they could not adapt to the new era, in order not to live painfully, they decisively chose suicide. Or like Chen Ke's family, they decisively chose to follow the trend of the times' progress and followed it without regret even if they died a hundred times. These were all very good choices. They all reflected excellent personal qualities. And if they decisively committed suicide, it could also maximize the reduction of the People's Party's workload. Chen Ke sincerely hoped that Jiangxi landlords all had the courage to commit suicide. Using death to express their resistance to the changes of the times would reduce so much trouble.

"Then what is student Zhang Xun preparing to do now?" Chen Ke asked.

"We invited Zhang Xun and that bunch of gentry to participate in quite a few public judgment rallies. I was also quite surprised that Zhang Xun could endure until now, always using peaceful means to resist. The news we inquired about is that Zhang Xun repeatedly warned his subordinates absolutely not to give us any excuse to kill indiscriminately. Such a hob meat is really hard to deal with." At this point, He Zudao also showed a look of admiration. "Chairman Chen, if it were me, I really couldn't do this step. I learned a lot from Zhang Xun."

"In a group of three, there must be a teacher for me. Zudao, we must learn all excellent qualities, including learning from the enemy." Chen Ke also admired Zhang Xun. He Zudao admitted he couldn't reach Zhang Xun's level, and Chen Ke knew he couldn't either. Of course, this was also because Zhang Xun's opponent was the People's Party. Maybe Zhang Xun had seen through the People's Party's bottom line of not being willing to kill on a large scale.

"How about this, you invite Zhang Xun over, and I'll talk to him," Chen Ke put forward his own view.

Zhang Xun was not tall, but those bright eyes, two thick black eyebrows, and two thick black mustaches left a deep impression on Chen Ke. Learning that Chen Ke had invited him, Zhang Xun was not afraid at all. He went to the People's Party's office in Nanchang to meet with Chen Ke calmly and composedly. There was no fear in his expression.

After both sides took their seats, Chen Ke said, "General Zhang, we have dealt with each other before, and our armies have also fought. I want to ask, to what extent do you intend to stubbornly resist?"

Zhang Xun looked Chen Ke up and down, and only after a while did he say, "Brother Chen, are you asking me if I'm afraid of death?"

Being called Brother Chen, Chen Ke didn't mind at all. He shook his head slightly and asked frankly, "General Zhang, I estimate you might know that if you don't rebel, we won't kill you. So, I really want to know, why are you doing this to oppose land reform?"

Zhang Xun originally intended to enrage Chen Ke, but seeing Chen Ke so magnanimous, he was somewhat surprised. After hesitating for a moment, Zhang Xun replied, "Everyone's land didn't come from the strong wind. It was accumulated bit by bit by ancestors. You People's Party say you confiscate everyone's land, and you confiscate it. There is no such reason in the world."

"After land reform, the lives of the common people have become better. General Zhang, do you think this is not good?" Chen Ke continued to ask. This was where Chen Ke's justice lay. Land reform pushed the progress of the times. In the future progress of the times, everyone's life would become better. If Zhang Xun couldn't understand this, Chen Ke could determine how to deal with Zhang Xun's group.

Zhang Xun fell silent again, and the silence lasted quite long. After a good while, Zhang Xun spoke, "Brother Chen, what you said makes sense. I have also seen some changes in Jiangxi after land reform. If I say the livelihoods of the common people haven't improved after land reform, I can't go against this conscience. But I think you have to give the gentry an explanation."

"What kind of explanation?" Chen Ke was very interested in this.

Seeing that Chen Ke did not use power to pressure people, Zhang Xun remained silent for another while before saying, "I know the gentry cannot defeat the People's Party. Since you hold the power over life and death, the gentry can at most fight to the death. That little doll He Zudao is very insidious, trying every way to provoke the gentry to rebel so he can legitimately kill us as a sacrifice to the flag. I, Zhang Xun, am not afraid of death, and I won't let the gentry fall into such a trap. Since Brother Chen asked, I'll speak frankly. The gentry's land is gone. You have to let people have a say and hold some power. After all, this land was taken from the gentry. If there isn't an explanation, what does this count as?"

"General Zhang, can you speak more clearly? I'm still not clear. Just saying holding power, how exactly to hold power? Hold what power? Is it to let the gentry be village officials? Or let the gentry be the masters of our People's Party? Or something else?" Chen Ke asked with a kind tone.

"This..." Zhang Xun fell silent again. Exactly what power to hold, Zhang Xun really hadn't thought it through. Hearing that the People's Party had conquered Jiangxi, Jiangxi gentry immediately wrote to Zhang Xun, asking him to bring troops back to save Jiangxi.

But Zhang Xun had no soldiers and no power at that time. Troops needed to be paid. Asking Zhang Xun to pay out of his own pocket to form an army to fight back to Jiangxi was obviously unreliable. The People's Party didn't even fear the Beiyang Army. Even if Zhang Xun brought a few thousand soldiers, it would just be sending them to their deaths. But he couldn't withstand the repeated pleading of the Jiangxi gentry. Plus, the fact that Yuan Shikai seized the central power greatly stimulated Zhang Xun. Zhang Xun was completely loyal to the Manchu Qing in his bones. Seeing that the Manchu Qing was hopeless, a chest full of grief and indignation turned into the courage to die, so he simply returned to Jiangxi.

But the situation in Jiangxi was far beyond Zhang Xun's expectations. Although the People's Party imposed military control, they did not slaughter the gentry or plunder wealth. Zhang Xun immediately came forward personally, contacting local Jiangxi gentry and celebrities, trying to unite to "ask for an explanation" from the People's Party. But he didn't expect the People's Party leader He Zudao to be insidious and vicious. He first exterminated bandits and restored order in Jiangxi. Immediately after, he suppressed bad gentry everywhere in the name of repaying blood debts. What was more exasperating was that He Zudao also invited Zhang Xun and other celebrities to participate in public judgment rallies.

The anger towards oppressors and the excitement of liberation shown by the masses at the public judgment rallies really scared these people quite a bit. The Manchu Qing was afraid of inciting civil unrest because in front of the angry tide of people gathered by thousands and tens of thousands, all landlords and gentry counted for nothing. The Manchu Qing had no other means besides dispatching government troops to suppress. Now the gentry had no government troops to rely on, and the People's Party organized the masses. Exterminating some gentry was simply too easy.

Moreover, Zhang Xun himself actually didn't like bad gentry. Zhang Xun's personality valued his native land. He himself might not be able to stop things that preyed on the common people, but asking him to jump out directly to support this group of people, Zhang Xun couldn't do such a thing either.

What shocked Zhang Xun especially was the People's Party's style of conduct. Jiangxi was under military control. These soldiers not only never extorted the common people or plundered the folk like other armies, but on the contrary, they maintained order and helped the common people restore production in all aspects. And the common people, who had never been interested in the government, also began to organize and unite under the leadership of the People's Party army.

Zhang Xun had seen many big scenes after all. What Jiangxi gentry worried about was the terrible future of losing their land. What Zhang Xun saw was the future where the People's Party completely overthrew the existing order in Jiangxi.

Especially after personally visiting the land reform areas in Jiangxi, Zhang Xun became more certain of his thoughts. The People's Party opened schools, built water conservancy projects, and provided metal farm tools to the masses in land reform areas. All of this united the masses around the People's Party. What percentage did the gentry and landlords account for in Jiangxi? At most, less than ten percent. Under the leadership of the increasingly powerful armed forces of the People's Party, for ninety percent of the common people to completely kill off less than ten percent of the gentry, that would be the easiest thing.

Zhang Xun had realized that the current contradiction was not the land problem at all, but that the People's Party, starting with the land problem, would rebuild a new Jiangxi where "muddy legs" (peasants) were masters of the house. When this new Jiangxi was built, the gentry would never have a day to turn over.

And the People's Party leader He Zudao openly collected the bad deeds of the gentry everywhere, threatening the gentry under the banner of "redressing grievances for the common people." Some gentry fell into the trap and foolishly resisted with force. As a result, their heads were soon hung in conspicuous places everywhere.

Zhang Xun finally relied on his prestige to persuade the gentry not to act rashly, which was considered preserving a part of the strength. Until he was received by Chen Ke.

Thinking of this, Zhang Xun had made up his mind. Being masters of the People's Party, that was all Chen Ke's teasing. Zhang Xun said, "If there are no seats for the gentry in the assembly, this is absolutely unacceptable."

After saying this, Zhang Xun waited with bated breath for Chen Ke's reply, but heard Chen Ke laugh: "Is that the only request?"

"Brother Chen is willing to agree?" Zhang Xun asked in surprise.