Napoleon once said, "For war, first you need money, second you need money, and third you still need money."

Grandpa Mao was much more elegant: "With grain in hand, there is no panic in the heart."

Chen Ke did not have the talent of these two great figures to point out the truth with such concise and comprehensive words. Facing the expectant gazes of a large number of Party cadres, Chen Ke could only nag like a mother hen and give a long-winded speech. "I want to emphasize again that we, the People's Party, are first and foremost laborers ourselves. This is the starting point for all revolutionary work. After establishing this starting point, we can discuss our differences from other political parties. Up to now, all other political parties in Jiangxi are political organizations formed by the exploiting class. All their policies are nothing more than letting others do the work while they reap the benefits. Comrades must recognize this clearly. The eyes of the broad masses are bright; they see who is presiding over land reform, who is working together with the broad masses, and who is facing and solving various problems together with the broad laborers. The masses see all this and keep it in their hearts. On this point alone, we can completely defeat all other political parties. Why? Who can tell me?"

This question seemed magnificent, with a high posture of strategically despising all enemies. However, Chen Ke was very worried about whether the comrades could truly understand.

After a brief silence, Zhang Yingchen, Political Commissar of the 204th Division, stood up to speak. "Comrades, we all come from working backgrounds. Everyone knows that no work means no gain. As laborers, under our current system, the fruits of labor belong to us. Those exploiters, once without the support of the exploitation system, can only eat through their resources until they are empty. The things we possess every year will increase, while the things the exploiters possess every year will decrease. As one falls and the other rises, we will definitely be able to achieve final victory."

This explanation could basically be given full marks. Not only was Chen Ke greatly impressed, but the comrades could also understand it. What impressed Chen Ke even more was that a comrade stood up and asked, "Does that mean we have to spend several years on this work? To fight a protracted war with these guys?"

The comrades down below did not have an attitude of seeking quick success and instant benefits. At least Chen Ke did not see that kind of impatience that believed revolutionary work must be completed all in one day.

"This comrade is right. Land reform is only one of the policies for developing agricultural production. From implementation to seeing results, any policy has an inevitable process. When we talk about materialism, dialectics, and science, we want everyone to establish an understanding of the inevitability of this process and recognize it. Therefore, at the current stage, we must unswervingly complete land reform in Jiangxi. This is the foundation of all our work."

The meeting quickly unified its thinking, and Chen Ke was very satisfied with He Zudao's political work. As long as they worked from the foundation step by step without arrogance or rashness, many problems would be readily solved. Not to mention that the enemies were essentially a disorderly mob.

However, in the meeting with He Zudao and senior cadres, Chen Ke still expressed some tactical concerns about the current situation in Jiangxi. "Comrades, doing more means more mistakes, doing less means fewer mistakes, and doing nothing means no mistakes. This is the custom of the old officialdom. Everyone needs to understand what this so-called 'mistake' actually refers to. The reason the People's Party can surpass other political forces up to now is primarily our own view on mistakes. What is a crime, what is a mistake, and what is a failure? This itself is what *On Contradiction* aims to solve. How to correctly recognize these occurrences, and how to correctly judge the principal and secondary contradictions leading to these problems—these are the thinking methods that comrades must grasp earnestly."

These comrades had followed Chen Ke in revolution from very early on and had also participated in the Wuhan Party School training. Chen Ke used shared experiences as examples to explain in depth the application methods of *On Contradiction*. Listening to Chen Ke's words, the comrades just nodded slightly, not excited at all.

Chen Ke was very reassured about these comrades. He no longer entangled himself repeatedly in theory, and the direction of discussion went straight to application. "Facing the enemy's attacks, we cannot remain silent and let them talk nonsense. We must explain our basic position to the broad masses, analyze it clearly using *On Contradiction*, and explain it in words the masses can understand. At the same time, do not fall into a trap, which is trying to use one contradiction to encompass all things. If we use this simple and crude attitude, big problems will arise."

"Do they really dare to talk nonsense and invert right and wrong to the point of disregarding their lives?" Hua Xiongmao's words were filled with murderous intent.

Chen Ke was momentarily speechless. For a political party possessing overwhelming military power, using the criticism of weapons instead of the weapon of criticism is one of the easiest misconceptions to fall into. Actually, let alone Hua Xiongmao, Chen Ke himself had no good feelings towards this bunch of literati currently forming parties. Before time-traveling, Chen Ke believed that these guys with heads full of exploitative thoughts had absolutely no need for reform, and shooting them all might be the most efficient method. After personally participating in the revolution, Chen Ke conversely felt that Grandpa Mao's approach of spending great effort to reform thoughts back then was the only correct line of thinking.

The graphic that represents the highest level of Chinese philosophy and even materialist dialectics is none other than the Taiji diagram. On the Taiji diagram, the endless cycle of Yin and Yang, especially after the two dots of "extreme Yin contains Yang" and "extreme Yang contains Yin" are placed, makes the logic perfectly self-consistent.

If only absolute support for the People's Party is allowed to exist, and opposition to the People's Party forces is absolutely not allowed to exist, then this country and system are completely logically inconsistent. When facing questions from many comrades, Grandpa Mao often loved to use a phrase: "Not enough struggle." Revolution is not a dinner party; progress can only be sought in struggle. Only in struggle can one understand the laws of things themselves. Killing off these old literati in front of them would be easy for the current People's Party, but the immense role these old literati can play in helping revolutionaries recognize revolution is simply not something the People's Party's own internal education can provide.

In China's darkest era, the Party emerged out of nowhere and eventually saved China. But in the New China era, a group of people appeared who opposed Grandpa Mao's thoughts and the socialist system. In the era Chen Ke was born into, the mainstream of public opinion was questioning Grandpa Mao and the socialist system. Precisely because there was questioning, criticism, discussion, and research, a large number of staunch followers of Grandpa Mao's line emerged instead.

Chen Ke smiled and said, "Without the existence of these guys, the people cannot truly recognize revolution. Revolution and counter-revolution are themselves a pair of contradictions. If there is no counter-revolution, where would there be revolutionaries? The two sides of the contradiction coexist. But society, in the final analysis, is pushed forward by productive forces. What the people pursue is not being a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. What the people pursue is a better life. On this common starting point of pursuing a better life, some people chose the path of revolution, and some chose to be counter-revolutionaries. Who can maximize the development of productive forces is the true core of winning mass support. Who can make the masses believe which path can bring real benefits to the people—this is the true focus of the struggle for public opinion."

The meeting with senior cadres took quite some effort. After the meeting adjourned, Chen Ke called He Zudao and Hua Xiongmao together again. "My original plan was to come to Jiangxi to have a look, and then rush back to Anhui as soon as possible. Plans can't keep up with changes, so I've stayed here for so long. However, I will be returning to Anhui in the next few days. You two comrades must complete the work now."

"Wenqing, you're quite good at being a hands-off shopkeeper," Hua Xiongmao laughed.

"It's not being a hands-off shopkeeper. It's that since I've been away from Anhui for so long, the situation in Anhui has definitely developed greatly, and this great development means encountering many new big problems. Social progress is like this; if you can't advance with the times, you will feel unable to move a single step. The more industrialized an organization like our People's Party is, and the higher the level of socio-economic development, the more and more complex the problems become. I also really want to stay in Jiangxi for a while longer, but I really can't do it. After the problems in Anhui are solved, I will go to Huaihai Province. Once the work there is smoothed out, I'll see whether to return to Jiangxi first or go to Hubei." Chen Ke recounted his work plan.

Hua Xiongmao was originally just teasing, but hearing Chen Ke answer so seriously, he also put away his smile. "That's too hard on you."

"It's only four provinces, it's really not that hard. When we liberate the whole country, if I have to run from province to province like this, I definitely won't be able to do it. Everyone work hard, don't be afraid of problems arising. You must face problems and solve problems realistically. If there are any problems that can't be solved, tell the truth when reporting. Do not make subjective conjectures. Problems arising is normal; no problems arising is abnormal. Zhenglan, you have a bit of an impatient temper. In these matters, you must take responsibility and don't think that problems arising is such a big deal."

Hua Xiongmao nodded, indicating he understood.

Chen Ke turned to He Zudao again. "Commissar He, when anything can finally be seen, it means that both internal and external causes are in place. At that time, it is absolutely not accidental. This time, so many political parties suddenly erupted in Jiangxi. From the perspective of these parties, internally they need to express their political demands, and externally, the existence of our People's Party has already greatly changed Jiangxi's old political and economic system. This is the key to this wave of party formation. Since the contradiction already exists in this situation, this situation will be long-term. Moreover, with the development of productive forces and the accumulation of financial resources in the hands of the people, more and more people will try to form political parties. Therefore, how our People's Party unites the masses and absorbs party members is very important work. You must discuss this matter more with the Party Committee. Not only discuss more with the superior Party Committee but also discuss more with the grassroots Party Committees. Party building work is the top priority."

He Zudao also nodded. "I have a plan to let the current senior cadres go down to the front line in areas where land reform has already been completed to work. Some comrades who perform excellently at the grassroots level will temporarily work in higher management positions. I think this can effectively improve everyone's overall understanding of the organization."

Chen Ke smiled after hearing this. Isn't this the policy of senior cadres going down to the grassroots that the Party often adopts?

"Commissar He, this idea you proposed is very good. Actually, the key is the transparency of decision-making. And I want to remind you, if grassroots comrades go to better-level management posts and they haven't learned to see the big picture, but instead become addicted to the pleasure of giving orders, that will cause big trouble."

He Zudao nodded very calmly. "There will definitely be such comrades. We will also pay close attention to monitoring issues in this regard. Some people may really not be suitable for certain jobs. Job rotation is also a kind of test."

"Mm, make these issues clear and explain them plainly first, then talk about the job rotation work. Otherwise, it will definitely involve personnel struggles. If work turns into personnel struggles, that will be big trouble," Chen Ke instructed.

However, things really were a case of plans not keeping up with changes. Chen Ke originally prepared to leave within a few days, but he delayed for another half month before setting off. Many new messages came from various provinces.

Chen Ke arrived in Jiangxi in November 1910. After nearly three months of work, it was now January 1911. The parliamentary system designed by Yuan Shikai to standardize the Beiyang provinces received responses in other provinces. However, these responses were by no means unconditional. Yunnan-Guizhou and Guangdong-Guangxi formed regional alliances under the leadership of the Viceroy of Yun-Gui and the Viceroy of Liangguang, respectively. They took the lead in telegraphing the whole country, suggesting that each province form its own parliament based on the Beiyang model, but for the first formal National Assembly, the representatives would temporarily still be the representatives from the previous provisional National Assembly. Formal election of representatives to participate in the National Assembly would be for the second formal National Assembly.

This suggestion received formal responses from other provinces, including the Beiyang Cabinet. Everyone actually didn't want to change personnel; they wished these National Assembly representatives could exist for thousands of generations. It was just inconvenient for the Beiyang Cabinet to propose this. With Yunnan-Guizhou and Guangdong-Guangxi taking the lead in advocating it, why wouldn't the Beiyang government be happy to oblige? The Prime Minister of the Beiyang Cabinet, Prince Qing, Yikuang, pretended to send telegrams to various provinces for consultation. Except for Fujian and Shaanxi, where rebellions had already broken out and which quickly wired back requesting re-election of parliament members, other provinces all maintained a supportive attitude.

The People's Party's attitude was also very traditional. "Before the Manchu Qing falls, the People's Party will absolutely not recognize any existing National Assembly."

Chen Ke was afraid he wouldn't have time to deal with these matters after arriving in Anhui. He waited until all provinces had reached an agreement before setting off to leave Jiangxi.

Chen Ke's troops marched rapidly all the way, with no plan to stop at all. Discussing Chairman Chen's anxious behavior in private, many comrades thought that Chen Ke wanted to hurry home to see his wife and child. Everyone had no malice. Chen Ke had been away from home for more than a year.