Aside from the difference in scale, the bustle of Fengtai County was no different from that of an ordinary large Japanese city. The only differences were that the roads in Fengtai were wider, and brick-and-tile houses had replaced the wooden structures common in Japan. Moreover, compared to the chaotic mix of various elements in Japan, this place embodied a masculine aura full of planning. The wide roads hardened with cinder, the green belts on both sides of the roads, the parks inside the county town, and the resting areas within the communities—all of this made Kita Ikki feel extremely unaccustomed. If one had to say, this was a city completely designed by people, rather than a city like those in Japan that were formed by people living their lives.

"Umekawa-kun, these announcements..." When Kita Ikki passed the large bulletin board in front of the courthouse, he saw several execution notices among a pile of announcements. The paper had yellowed somewhat; it seemed they had been there for quite some time. They stood out a bit in the row of posted notices.

"The base area promotes the rule of law. Our trials here are public, especially those involving public affairs; they must be publicly tried. Civil cases are held inside the courthouse, but everyone can go and observe," Umekawa Kamiyoshi replied.

"Public trials? Have there been any recently?"

"There haven't been any recently, but last summer a batch was ruthlessly killed." Mentioning this, Umekawa Kamiyoshi's attitude became somewhat fierce. During the flood season of 1910, counter-revolutionaries had attempted to breach the dykes when the floodwaters arrived. At that time, people were coming and going everywhere on the main dykes. The guys intending to breach the dykes were acting suspiciously and were quickly discovered. They confessed upon interrogation. That major execution was a topic of conversation for quite a long time in many places in Anhui in 1910. Umekawa Kamiyoshi was responsible for agricultural work; once the dykes were breached, the hard work of the agricultural department would have gone down the drain. He hated these people especially.

Kita Ikki was appalled upon hearing this. He couldn't quite imagine how much hatred those who participated in the dyke breaching had for the People's Party. "Why on earth?" Kita Ikki asked.

"Hatred for the new government, I suppose!" Umekawa Kamiyoshi replied, furious. The few guys who were discovered were caught by Public Security, but they didn't die right then. After the water levels receded, the masses quickly got the news. Consequently, the masses working desperately on the river dykes immediately exploded in anger. The hot-blooded youths rushed back and dragged the families of these guys onto the main dyke. Inside the main dyke was the surging river water; outside the main dyke were ten thousand *mu* of fertile fields. The masses' family properties were all there. Once the dyke really broke, the harvest and family property of this year would all vanish into nothingness. How could the angry masses stand such stimulation? Except for a few four or five-year-old children who were snatched out by local cadres, the others were all beaten to death by the masses right there on the dyke.

This matter didn't end there. The gang who attempted to breach the dyke frequently engaged in networking, and many of the networkers hadn't gone up to the dyke. After the water receded, local cadres and angry local masses dragged them out and interrogated them under torture, and these people confessed as well. They admitted they knew about the matter. In China, "knowing about the matter" was equivalent to being an accomplice. If they knew someone was going to rebel and didn't report it despite knowing, the People's Party might spare their lives. But knowing someone was going to breach the dyke and not reporting it—this wasn't a crime against the People's Party, but a crime against the people.

The attitude of the masses was firm; they were determined to put all these people to death. There was also a small portion of people within the People's Party who opposed the executions, but the minority of comrades couldn't twist the arms of the majority of comrades. In the end, these guys who "knew and didn't report" were executed as accomplices. The only good thing was that it didn't directly implicate their families.

Regarding this kind of large-scale execution, Kita Ikki also had nothing to say. He couldn't quite imagine this kind of situation. According to Japanese custom, high-ranking threat-makers would say, "I don't know about what happens afterwards." This was a form of ventriloquism unique to Japan. Under the rule of the People's Party, it seemed this kind of Japanese situation didn't exist at all.

"Tens of thousands of masses gathering together, demanding the execution of a batch of people—that scene was truly intense." Speaking of this, Umekawa Kamiyoshi also became somewhat spirited and solemn. He wasn't Chinese after all, and although he also hated those people, Umekawa Kamiyoshi was still shaken by this situation that was completely different from Japan.

Kita Ikki's eyes were full of envy and longing. Japan did not have such gatherings of tens of thousands of masses demanding justice be upheld. It didn't need tens of thousands; if a few hundred people gathered, it would become a rice riot. The Japanese masses would instinctively move towards beating, smashing, and looting. This wasn't because the Japanese masses were unruly; if they could gather hundreds of people, it would already be at a point where it was unbearable.

Looking carefully at these notices, most were not executions. What surprised Kita Ikki greatly was that there were actually notices dealing with corruption crimes by officials in the base area. Eyes widening into circles, Kita Ikki pointed at three notices, "This... this... is this real?"

Umekawa Kamiyoshi said quite proudly, "Of course it's real. The People's Party never goes soft on black sheep. If one is short of money, they can just bring it up. Borrowing money from the organization, or comrades organizing donations—these are all allowed. Embezzling public funds—that is a crime against the organization, a crime against the people."

"But here there's also accepting money from others to help arrange jobs..." Kita Ikki already didn't know how to describe it. Although this person hadn't been sentenced to prison, the public notice criticized this matter fiercely, and moreover, expelled this person from the government department. This kind of thing was absolutely not a wrong deed to Kita Ikki, but the People's Party's view seemed very different from Kita Ikki's.

"The Organization Department never goes soft on this kind of thing. This is a major matter violating organizational discipline. The government recruits people openly every year; voluntary registration, public selection, the capable ascend. Paying some money to mix into the ranks—where is there such a thing? This isn't buying an official post." Umekawa Kamiyoshi was still very satisfied with these matters.

"Isn't the People's Party afraid of chaos?" Kita Ikki particularly cared about this kind of thing. The reason Japanese revolutionaries found it difficult to gain mainstream support in society lay in the fact that while the social mainstream certainly had many grievances, compared to great social chaos, the social mainstream stood on the side of the *zaibatsu* and the government instead. The People's Party's severe methods were completely Kita Ikki's ideal.

"Kita-kun, have you noticed one thing? All of the People's Party's punishments are directed at one type of person. That is, people who disrupt the labor order. No matter your background, no matter your status, if you disrupt the labor order and damage the social order, then you will definitely be punished. Being here with the People's Party, I've really learned one thing: the state is a tool of class rule. In the base area, the ruling class is the vast number of laborers. The system of the base area is designed to safeguard the interests of this ruling class, the laborers. Whereas in Japan, state institutions safeguard the interests of the upper-class exploiters. This is the essential difference between the two sides."

"Please enlighten me, Umekawa-kun."

The People's Party's Party School and Cadre School weren't opened for nothing. After the implementation of land reform, based on the basic equality of social means of production, the People's Party could finally launch comprehensive political discussions. The relationship between "labor power" and "means of production," the definition of the working masses, as well as the final distribution of social products. Transactions, including administrative costs—all this knowledge that was originally only passed down by word of mouth between the highest rulers was opened up to the People's Party and the masses. This triggered a comprehensive great earthquake within the base area. When the simple yet complex system of state operations was finally revealed before everyone's eyes, no one could adapt to it easily.

However, at this time, Chairman Chen Ke put forward an explanation that convinced everyone, "All social and organizational operations revolve around the core of living. We need to eat, wear clothes, and use things every day, so everyone must labor, everyone must participate in social mass production. No one can avoid it."

He spoke neither of a kingdom of heaven on earth nor of ultimate ideals. Chen Ke only spoke of labor and the distribution of the fruits of labor. Every member of the masses could recognize this simple relationship. Even for the "administrative costs" of the state power that didn't participate in actual production—the part most likely to trigger contradictions—whether everyone was happy in their hearts or not, they could all accept it.

"Our agricultural department talks about how much grain you can grow based on how much effort you put in. Those unwilling to delve deeply can just copy what others do. Those willing to delve into the reasons can go and study specially. The agricultural department provides training. We in the agricultural department feel like there's endless work to do at any time. When the farmers harvest more grain, they are also more willing to hand over that thirty percent agricultural tax."

"How do the people accept the administrative costs?" Kita Ikki was particularly interested in how the base area conducted propaganda.

"Calculate the effort. Tax collection, transportation, and the amount of labor in every link. Especially since the administrative departments are also people just like the common folk; they also need to rest. Calculated this way, the masses feel that eating public rice is pretty good, but they don't know many of the techniques, and they can't bear that hardship. Moreover, if mistakes are made, there will be punishment. Everyone is also afraid. The common folk of China are really very different from Japan. Since they can't do it, the Chinese common folk calmly accept that they can't do the job."

"Chairman Chen believes that absolute egalitarianism and fairness are two completely different things. The Chinese common folk can actually understand this reasoning. Those masses who talk about unfairness, when it comes time to learn agricultural knowledge, there isn't a single one who doesn't go to listen. We emphasize labor, labor, labor. For example, in land leveling, irrigated land must have a certain angle of inclination. If you can't achieve that, it certainly won't work. We must adhere to this scientific attitude; there is no room for sentiment. Talking about sentiment is useless; water can't flow backwards. If there is no angle of inclination, the fields will be flooded as soon as it rains. This isn't us deliberately making things difficult for the masses."

"You don't talk about revolution?" Kita Ikki was extremely puzzled.

"The first stage of the land revolution, land reform, is now complete. Developing productive forces and promoting science is the revolution at the current stage." Umekawa Kamiyoshi answered resonantly. He liked this kind of risk-free revolution very much; Umekawa Kamiyoshi would have no objection to revolutionizing like this for a lifetime. After the People's Party set laws, established systems, and clarified discipline, leading the revolution onto the track of construction, Umekawa Kamiyoshi turned into the staunchest "revolutionary."

This kind of laborers' production revolution differed greatly from the revolution Kita Ikki needed. Although he was full of admiration for the People's Party, what Kita Ikki cared about was how to overthrow the current Japanese government. "Then, among our Japanese comrades, who is responsible for military operations?"

"It's Comrade Kuroshima Hitoshi. But he is currently in Jiangxi," Umekawa Kamiyoshi replied regretfully.

"What views does Chairman Chen Ke have on the Japanese revolution?"

"The current stage is base area construction. As for really putting it on the agenda, I'm afraid that will have to wait until after the liberation of all China. Since we want to integrate into the revolutionary ranks, it's also not good to speak of such things," Umekawa Kamiyoshi replied.

Kita Ikki nodded slightly. This was indeed a problem. If Japanese comrades shouted about the Japanese revolution all day long, they obviously wouldn't be able to mix into the People's Party. He asked another question, "How does the People's Party view other political parties?"

"This is an organizational matter. I only manage agriculture, I don't care about other things." Umekawa Kamiyoshi answered very crisply. The Party School and Cadre School had lectured on organizational discipline so many times, and Umekawa Kamiyoshi really didn't know what attitude the People's Party had towards other political parties.

***

If it were Song Jiaoren, he wouldn't have asked this. The People's Party's attitude was already completely laid out there, which was a refusal to cooperate. The People's Party obviously didn't like using rhetoric. Last time when Song Jiaoren acted as Sun Yat-sen's messenger, Chen Ke had already clearly informed him of the stance of absolutely no cooperation on the political level.

Since this was the case, the people of the Huaxinghui felt difficult regarding exactly how many weapons and supplies to demand from the People's Party. How much value the Huaxinghui had to the People's Party meant how much support the People's Party would give. Back then, Tao Chengzhang of the Guangfu Society explicitly announced his departure from the Tongmenghui; the reason was that Tao Chengzhang asked Sun Yat-sen for funds to launch an uprising, but was refused by Sun Yat-sen. Now the People's Party was even more absolute, not even giving a chance for nominal cooperation. At least back then, the Tongmenghui had tried its best to pull the Guangfu Society into the partnership.

"Five thousand fast rifles, one hundred thousand taels of silver, and also two hundred thousand *dan* of grain. That should be about enough for us to crush the Manchus' running dogs in Hunan." A comrade handed a simple list to Song Jiaoren.

Song Jiaoren wasn't optimistic at all. Theoretically, this amount could probably meet the Huaxinghui's needs. But that was only theoretically. In real calculations, even if increased tenfold, it might not be enough for the Huaxinghui. Most importantly, this list didn't list the bullets the Huaxinghui needed most.

In Shanghai, one tael of silver could buy about fifty bullets. In Hunan, the price had already reached a level where one tael of silver couldn't even buy ten bullets. The key constraining the Huaxinghui's combat was already various types of bullets. The Huaxinghui's firearms were of all kinds, with loading methods ranging from muzzle-loading smoothbore guns loading gunpowder and shot, to paper cartridges, and then to metal cartridges; they really had everything. Compared to the unified standard weapons of the Hunan New Army, they were indeed lagging far behind.

Fortunately, the People's Party had occupied Hubei, and the Hunan New Army's source of bullets was cut off. This gave the Huaxinghui a chance. If they could get sufficient replenishment, the Huaxinghui was confident in crushing the Hubei New Army.

"Let's first write clearly the requirements for how to use these supplies," Song Jiaoren said.

"What is the use of writing it so clearly? It just lets the People's Party know our actual situation. I think it's quite unnecessary."

"Yes, even if we write it clearly, the People's Party might not give it. Better to just give them a clear number at once."

The comrades of the Huaxinghui were acting quite emotionally. However, Song Jiaoren understood that this was just because everyone was unwilling to make these plans. Every time they made plans practically, the arduous situation they faced made the Huaxinghui feel that life was worse than death. Moreover, among the backbone of the Huaxinghui were some people from the Yuewanghui. They vigorously spread sentiments opposing the People's Party within the Huaxinghui, which was also one of the reasons the Huaxinghui had never attempted cooperation with the People's Party.

"If they really want to cooperate with us, naturally they will cooperate. They will give us what they should. If they don't want to cooperate, they won't give it even if we talk our lips off."

The attitude of the Huaxinghui comrades was actually quite firm, especially after hearing from Hu Hanmin that Chen Ke and Song Jiaoren had fallen out in public; this attitude of the Huaxinghui became even firmer. Revolutionaries were all young people, and young people, well, were always unwilling to show weakness.

"The People's Party won't release the hawk until they see the rabbit. We can't provide any benefits to them right now. I think Mr. Hu is right; we'd better not count on the People's Party."

If it was just discussing the People's Party's attitude, Song Jiaoren could still accept it. But as soon as he heard Hu Hanmin being dragged into it, Song Jiaoren immediately became unhappy. Hu Hanmin had a fierce temperament, in a sense very similar to Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen wanted to be the President of the Republic, while Hu Hanmin believed himself to be the most revolutionary. This kind of attitude was actually very intolerant of others.

"Gentlemen, since we are here to beg the People's Party, let's genuinely beg and ask for things. Let me just ask one thing: if we had the power the People's Party has now, and the People's Party came begging to our door, would we give them things?"

Everyone was silent for a moment, and finally, someone spoke, "We would give a little, but definitely not too much."

Song Jiaoren scanned the circle of comrades before saying, "Exactly. What we are begging for is just this little bit. At least we hope they give it. Who else can we go to now who would give us weapons and ammunition? The list from just now will do, but write clearly how it will be used. Also, add ammunition for me."

***

Chen Ke was discussing the arrangement of the next steps of work with the Anhui Provincial Committee when Song Jiaoren asked to see Chen Ke. To show sincerity, he also sent in a list. After the comrades of the Anhui Provincial Committee passed the list around, quite a few already revealed sneers.

When the People's Party first started, they didn't have this many weapons and supplies either. The Huaxinghui really had the courage to open their mouths.

"Is Chairman Chen preparing to give or not?" Qi Huishen asked. The quantity didn't need to be considered at all; it was absolutely impossible. The key was whether to give or not.

"With the Huaxinghui making such a fuss in Hunan, adding some variables isn't a bad thing. what does everyone think?" Chen Ke gave his own cold calculation. He had no expectations for the Huaxinghui at all; for the People's Party, the benefit lay solely in the fact that the Huaxinghui could cause trouble for others.

"But how long can the Huaxinghui hold on? Don't let it be that we give things today, and they are finished tomorrow. We can't help but guard against this," Zhang Yu replied.

"They have persisted for so long after all. Now, even if they are at the end of their rope, a broken ship still has three pounds of nails. It's impossible for them to collapse completely all at once. Perhaps this bit of stuff can help them, who knows," Chen Ke replied.

Zhang Yu picked up the list and looked at it again. Including gunpowder and lead shots, many things were written in detail. It seemed they had really put their hearts into it. Most importantly, the Huaxinghui had actually written the general method for how to receive the supplies. That is, letting the People's Party transport them to the border to hand over to the Huaxinghui. It looked somewhat proper.

"Does Chairman Chen really not have any requirements for them?" Zhang Yu asked.

Chen Ke shook his head. When he was young, he read Balzac's books and was deeply impressed by a sentence in *Gobseck*: "I found that every time I tried to lend money to others so they could live a better life, I found that money always pushed those people into the abyss."

Obtaining income through untold hardships, the tangible gain is that bit of property, but the intangible gain is the precious experience obtained after completing the entire process. The People's Party emphasized "having a beginning and an end" the most. It wasn't pursuing some "excellent quality," but that if a person couldn't recognize having a beginning and an end, they simply wouldn't know what to do next time.

Therefore, large-scale aid, if the recipient had absolutely no matching experience, was a kind of poisoning act. Chen Ke still respected Song Jiaoren quite a bit; he didn't want to harm him like this. Facing Zhang Yu's question, Chen Ke replied, "I don't have any requirements for them. Comrade Zhang Yu, you make an aid list."

Zhang Yu would definitely make the aid figures very low; Chen Ke believed this point.