"With the Qing fallen, war should be temporarily avoided, shouldn't it?" Feng Xu remarked. Though the old man was seventy by traditional reckoning, his spirit remained robust. The People's Party delegation was currently staying at the former Prince Yi Mansion; after the entire household of Prince Yi had been executed, the residence had sat vacant. It was now May 7, 1911. Outside, the early summer weather was pleasant and sunny, yet the large-scale martial law covering Beijing had not been lifted. Ever since the Qing abdication edict was issued, the People's Party delegation had been confined to the mansion, prevented from leaving. With the fall of the Manchu Qing, the agreement previously reached between Yuan Shikai and Chen Ke had essentially reached its end. For Yuan Shikai, the fewer complications the better; he had no desire for any new variables to emerge from the National Assembly. Since the People's Party did not wish to expose its intelligence network in Beijing, the delegation truly received no news from the outside world. This gave everyone time for some idle chatter.

"We can't let Yuan Shikai be the only one happy. I think in the future, we should establish the People's Party's liaison station right here in the Prince Yi Mansion. What do you all think?" Shang Yuan said with a smile. The People's Party's Shandong troops had played a major role in eliminating Prince Yi's family, and Shang Yuan skillfully sidestepped Feng Xu's question.

"Before I came, Wenqing mentioned that the honeycomb coal factory he once started in Beijing must be reclaimed from Yuan Shikai. We can't let Beiyang have it for free," Yan Fu added jokingly.

"Gentlemen, what exactly do you mean by this?" Feng Xu had been with the People's Party for several years, and much of his original bureaucratic air had faded. Hearing the two speak this way, he didn't bother guessing but instead raised a blunt question.

Seeing that Feng Xu was genuinely becoming anxious, Yan Fu smiled and said, "Brother Feng, revolution is the process of eliminating the most backward elements one by one. The Manchu Qing was the most decadent and backward entity of this era. After we've dealt with the Qing, we must continue to eliminate whoever is currently the most decadent and backward. Revolution has no end."

Hearing this discourse, Feng Xu sighed softly. He didn't want to oppose this logic, but the People's Party's attitude was indeed difficult for many to accept. The issue was that Feng Xu was far from having the status or opportunity to intervene in the People's Party's high-level affairs. "Who is the next enemy?" Feng Xu asked.

"In the next stage, whoever attempts to attach themselves to the Western imperialist powers is our enemy," Shang Yuan replied cleanly and decisively.

This answer was filled with both moral righteousness and pragmatic reality. One moment Feng Xu had been worried that the People's Party might adopt some overly radical policies; after hearing Shang Yuan's response, he turned to praise them instead. "Well said! That is exactly how it should be!"

"Who are our friends and who are our enemies—Wenqing has never been wrong about that so far," Yan Fu also smiled. Grasping the strategic direction was the realm of the strategist, and no one within the People's Party questioned Chen Ke's position as their premier strategist.

Stimulated by this brand-new strategic direction, Feng Xu became somewhat excited. "Then who would collude with the Western powers?"

"Listen to their words and observe their deeds," Shang Yuan laughed. Just then, someone came from outside to announce that Yuan Shikai had sent someone to invite the People's Party to attend tomorrow's National Assembly session.

On May 8, 1911, after several days of deliberation and discussion, the national title for China after the fall of the Manchu Qing was determined to be the Republic of China (Zhonghua Gongheguo). Yuan Shikai was formally elected as the first President of the Republic of China. Yuan immediately appointed his old partner, Prince Qing Yikuang, as Premier, and Xu Shichang as Vice Premier. Yikuang was already 73 years old this year; this appointment was purely to reward his old partner's contributions. The Republic operated under a presidential system, and Yuan Shikai remained firmly in control of power. The Beiyang representatives in the National Assembly passed numerous basic laws at an astonishing speed. It wasn't until May 8, when the number of seats for representatives nominally needed to be finalized, that they finally had to invite the People's Party delegation to attend the meeting.

Compared to the previous session, things had changed in just a few days. President Yuan had cut his queue, and a significant portion of the assembly representatives followed suit. The number of people wearing Western suits in the entire assembly had also increased, giving the scene a somewhat refreshed appearance. When the People's Party delegation strode in, more representatives took the initiative to greet them. It seemed everyone was gradually accepting the changes.

In truth, the number of representatives had long since been arranged. The National Assembly first passed a resolution confirming "Huaihai Province" as a formal provincial-level administrative unit. Then, based on the population estimates from the late Qing, they granted the People's Party several seats for its four provinces. The People's Party delegation immediately signaled their agreement. Thus, everyone went through the motions of a mock vote. When the voting ended and Yuan Shikai took the stage, many representatives assumed he was prepared to say a few polite formalities.

"Gentlemen, China is no longer at war, which is a good thing. Now, we must discuss the matter of the Boxer Indemnity," Yuan Shikai began, and the content of his words immediately plunged the entire assembly into a dead silence. One of the National Assembly's functions was to discuss the annual tax quotas each province would pay to the central government. Since provincial autonomy had been established, the provinces no longer expected much in terms of central power. Regarding the sole issue of taxation, the provinces naturally didn't want to give a single cent—let alone the massive figures of the Boxer Indemnity.

Yuan Shikai continued, "The national military should be unified. Since the People's Party is willing to join the Republic, there must be a protocol for discussing military orders. The North is fine, but the number of troops in the southern provinces must also be discussed. I suggest holding a peace conference in Shanghai to discuss the military issues of each province. Furthermore, we must also address the matter of the Boxer Indemnity."

At this, the assembly erupted like a disturbed hornet's nest. The military was the fundamental self-preservation force for the southern provinces. Setting aside the fact that Beiyang currently possessed a massive army, the People's Party was even more powerful and well-equipped. Although provincial autonomy had been established, if war broke out, who would they turn to for justice? The southern provinces had absolutely no genuine trust in Yuan Shikai.

Fortunately, Yuan Shikai didn't truly expect the southern provinces to show any real sincerity. He immediately stated that during this period of intense upheaval, the nation should focus on rest. At least until next year's National Assembly, the government would temporarily refrain from collecting taxes. However, the Boxer Indemnity was a matter of great consequence; Beiyang would negotiate with foreign powers and invited the People's Party to join the discussions. Any province willing to voluntarily participate in the indemnity payments could also attend this Shanghai Peace Conference. The condition was that participating provinces must bear an annual indemnity payment of one million taels.

Participating in the peace conference was naturally desirable; every province was concerned about what conspiracies might be brewing in the discussions between the People's Party and the Beiyang central government. However, the price of admission was one million taels of silver per year, and their enthusiasm evaporated instantly.

A representative from Guangdong immediately stood up to challenge why other provinces couldn't attend. Without Yuan Shikai needing to speak, a Beiyang representative countered, "Since you aren't paying taxes, what do you plan to say in there? Do those who don't work intend to lecture those who do?"

"This has nothing to do with paying taxes. We naturally have the right to participate in national affairs," the Guangdong representative stated firmly. This stance received support from many southern representatives. "With matters as grand as the military and the Boxer Indemnity, if we don't participate, how will we know if China's interests are being sold out during the negotiations?"

Wang Youhong stood up and said, "Currently, the finances of various provinces are in dire straits. President Yuan has been considerate and waived taxes for a year, for which our Jiangsu Province is very grateful. However, the negotiations are of great importance; if we don't listen, we won't feel at ease. The central government and the People's Party can talk as much as they like; we will simply consider ourselves mutes and will not interrupt."

This suggestion gained the support of the southern representatives. For them, paying the central government was out of the question, but they absolutely could not allow the provinces to remain entirely ignorant of matters deciding the nation's fate.

Yuan Shikai felt a wave of discomfort. The presidential system was supposed to grant the president immense authority. The assembly's power had been weakened to the extreme, possessing only the power to elect the president, judicial authority, and the right to discuss taxation. Now, the provincial representatives were ignoring this and actually wanted to meddle in important negotiations. Although it was said they would have no speaking rights, the mere thought of them eavesdropping made him feel as if he had swallowed a fly. If they didn't speak during the negotiations, heaven only knew what they would say outside the meeting hall.

While he was feeling irritable, Yuan Shikai saw the Governor of Hunan, Cen Chunming, stand up and request to speak. Yuan initially thought he would also follow the trend and say some nonsense about participating in national affairs, but to his surprise, Cen Chunming shouted, "You have money for the foreigners, but no money for disaster relief! President Yuan, do you think this is what should be done?"

As soon as these words were spoken, the National Assembly fell into an uproar. Representatives immediately began shouting, "Rather than giving money to foreigners, it would be better to use it for disaster relief! The Manchu Qing brought national humiliation; is the Republic going to continue that same humiliation?"

"Isn't it just a matter of fighting? As long as we provide relief first and protect the people, if the foreigners attack, the people will naturally be willing to fight to the death. What is there to fear from foreigners?"

The clamor grew louder, with all sorts of irresponsible rhetoric flying around the assembly. The Beiyang representatives had managed to maintain some discipline initially, but after hearing too much, some began to snap back. "You're just talking nonsense because it's not your burden! You talk big, but when have we ever seen Sichuan step up?"

Watching the situation below grow increasingly chaotic, Yuan Shikai's expression on the stage turned darker and darker.

That evening, Yuan Shikai invited Yan Fu to dinner. After first apologizing for keeping the People's Party delegation under house arrest for several days, Yuan couldn't help but bring up the events at the National Assembly that day.

"This isn't necessarily a bad thing," Yan Fu laughed. "Xiangcheng, the disputes between provinces have always existed; it's just that before, people didn't dare speak so bluntly. Besides, the memorials the provinces used to submit regarding national affairs were essentially all nonsense. What has changed now? Rather, now that you are the President, you will have to toil and suffer for it."

"Brother Jidao, regarding the matter of the guarantee Wenqing mentioned the other day—does it still stand?" Yuan Shikai was extremely concerned about this. The degree of exhaustion in the national treasury was nearly driving him mad. If Chen Ke had been playing with Beiyang earlier, Yuan Shikai felt he wasn't acting as president but was being roasted on a bonfire.

"We in the People's Party have a plan for this. Since we're holding a peace conference, why not discuss it there?" Yan Fu replied.

"Brother Jidao, if Wenqing sent you to ask me for something, you might as well say it directly. What's with all this concealment?" Yuan Shikai said angrily. "I'll tell you the truth: if Wenqing isn't willing to put up the money this time, I'll have no choice but to borrow from foreign banks. When the principal and interest pile up, I'll just have to endure it. Wenqing is a junior, and as his elder, I don't want to make things hard for him, but I'll have to bring out that memorandum we signed and air it out."

Seeing that Yuan Shikai was truly being pushed to his limit, Yan Fu smiled and said, "Xiangcheng, don't be so anxious. We've already sent a telegram to Wenqing, and I expect there should be a result in a few days. However, Wenqing did ask me to mention one thing: he once ran a honeycomb coal factory in Beijing, and you must return that to us."

Upon hearing this, Yuan Shikai's expression became extremely odd. He hadn't expected Chen Ke to be so petty as to remember such a trivial matter from five years ago so clearly. But since Yan Fu had openly stated this was Chen Ke's wish, Yuan couldn't refuse. He laughed and said, "I had forgotten about that. It seems I have greatly offended Wenqing in this matter."

"Xiangcheng, are you truly going to return the honeycomb coal factory to Wenqing?" Yan Fu pressed.

"Wenqing's things should naturally be returned to him. How could there be any falsehood in that?" Yuan Shikai asked, puzzled.

"Haha, Xiangcheng, you've fallen for Wenqing's trap," Yan Fu laughed.

Yuan Shikai knew Yan Fu was not the type to betray anyone. Hearing him say this, Yuan became even more confused. What exactly was Chen Ke planning? But Yuan Shikai was, after all, a formidable figure; he never erred when it came to matters of interest. Steadying himself, he said solemnly, "Brother Jidao, I don't understand the details of these matters and have no time to manage them. I will only say one thing: if Wenqing can help the government through this crisis, I will certainly not let him spend that money for nothing. I'll return his factory, and if he wants to exert himself in the North, my Beiyang will certainly not make things difficult for the People's Party."

With the conversation reaching this point, everything was out in the open. Yan Fu didn't want to dwell on it further either. "Since you say so, I will reply to Wenqing accordingly."

The next day, May 9, the People's Party delegation departed for their base area. On the third day, May 10, Yuan Shikai received a telegram from Chen Ke. The People's Party had formally notified the British that they were willing to guarantee half of this year's indemnity payment. However, the condition was simple: the central government must not collect taxes from the People's Party.

By May 12, the British Embassy formally informed Yuan Shikai that they requested a tripartite meeting regarding the People's Party's assumption of half the indemnity and the tax-exempt status of the ports controlled by the People's Party. Only then did Yuan Shikai believe that the People's Party was indeed beginning to fulfill its promise.

On May 15, the People's Party's handover team for the honeycomb coal factory arrived in Beijing, formally demanding to take over the property that had once belonged to them. Beiyang had truly not expected the People's Party to act with such lightning speed, sending people specifically to Beijing for a small factory that had collapsed and disappeared years ago. Anything involving the People's Party was no small matter, and no one below dared to take initiative. Out of necessity, the Minister of Industry and Commerce had to report to Yuan Shikai. Being a clever man, Yuan knew what was happening as soon as he heard it. He fumed, "Whatever the People's Party wants, as long as it isn't excessive, give it to them! Do you really need to come and ask me about this again?!"

The person leading the team back to reclaim the factory was Xu Erba. The large courtyard previously rented for the honeycomb coal factory had long since been sublet to others. Xu Erba did not dwell on the matter; he directly demanded the site of the former Fengtai Barracks. During the "Horse Bandit Incident" at the end of 1909, the Fengtai Barracks had been burned to ruins, and many people had died. Aside from some vagrants who had built shacks there, the place was now a wasteland. Beneath ruins that had never been cleared, one could dig up skeletal remains.

Xu Erba requested the old site of the Fengtai Barracks at an annual rent of ten thousand silver dollars. With Yuan Shikai's word, the Beiyang Ministry of Civil Affairs had no desire to cause further complications. Xu Erba paid five years' rent, and the two parties signed a five-year contract. The contract also clearly stated that Xu Erba had limited rights to renew. Such was the nature of bureaucracy: when someone at the top spoke and the opponent was firm, the efficiency was top-notch. On the day the contract was signed, the People's Party's honeycomb coal machinery arrived. Anhui had already begun popularizing honeycomb coal, and the production of these machines had been solved alongside brick-making machines. Over a dozen machines were transported to Beijing, quite conspicuously at the railway station.

Beiyang did not dare to take the People's Party's actions lightly. There were vagrants at the Fengtai Barracks, so there was no shortage of labor. Furthermore, this was Beijing; even if several hundred vagrants started a disturbance, it wouldn't be easy to deal with. Not to mention that the south of the capital was a slum area; what if the People's Party incited the poor to riot?

Xu Erba seemed to be intentionally poking at Beiyang's nerves. After the honeycomb coal equipment arrived, the next shipment was a large quantity of new wheels. The People's Party's trade quota agreement with Southeast Asia had directly resulted in almost all of the region's rubber entering the People's Party's base areas. The specialty of polymer materials was plastics, rubber, coatings, and adhesives. Vulcanizing rubber and adding carbon black were the most basic textbook knowledge. In this era, there was no nylon cord fabric for tires; the metal wire drawing equipment imported by the People's Party produced steel wire cord fabric. This was high-grade cord fabric, which in the 21st century was used in high-end automobile tires.

Steel pipe axles, ball bearings, pneumatic rubber tires, wire hubs, and steel-rimmed wheels. As soon as this batch of handcart wheels arrived in Beijing, Xu Erba sent out invitations far and wide, inviting those who had previously worked with the People's Party as well as the big players in Beijing's transport industry to the Fengtai Barracks. To Beiyang's extreme bafflement, the People's Party also invited five or six officials from the Beijing Police Bureau below the chief, and five or six from the Bank of Communications' credit department below the director.

"Brothers, although I am from Anhui, I once had a job at the Tianjin Machinery Bureau. I've lived off the bread of Beijing and Tianjin too. I've invited you all here today with the intention of doing something practical," Xu Erba said with high spirits.

Those invited, whether from official or civilian circles, were curious as to what Xu Erba intended to do. Soon, they saw the objective. With these new-style wheels—which were vastly superior to wooden wheels or simple wooden wheels wrapped in leather—both two-wheeled carts and large four-wheeled wagons became light and fast.

Fourth Master Chang had worked with the People's Party before. He was quite robust and even tried pulling a four-wheeled wagon himself. The wagon was loaded with eight or nine hundred catties of large stones. The veins on Fourth Master Chang's neck and forehead bulged, but under his desperate exertion, the four-wheeled wagon actually began to move slowly forward.

This scene left everyone dumbstruck. People in the capital valued "face," and seeing Fourth Master Chang's performance, others who were unconvinced immediately went up to try. It was difficult for one person to pull eight or nine hundred catties, but with two people working together, the wagon clearly moved much more easily.

As for the rickshaws, after changing the wheels, they ran light and fast. Xu Erba invited the Police Chief and others, along with the credit officers from the Bank of Communications, to take a ride. These gentlemen were accustomed to riding in rickshaws and could immediately feel how different these were from the old ones. Although they swayed on bumpy roads, there were no jarring jolts.

Once everyone had finished their trials, Xu Erba gathered them together and said loudly, "These carts and wheels aren't cheap. If I asked you to pay for them, those of you who work for a living couldn't afford them. So we've invited the gentlemen from the Bank of Communications so they can see the quality of these carts for themselves. If any of you want to buy them, you can seek a loan from them. If you can't get a loan or are worried, you can rent a cart from our firm and try hauling goods first."

The loan officers from the Bank of Communications already understood Xu Erba's idea, and their first thought was whether the People's Party was setting some kind of trap. But Xu Erba's next words left the Beiyang people even more confused. "What everyone fears most are the myriad of taxes and levies. It's impossible to expect the government not to collect taxes. So let's speak plainly from the start: I've invited the gentlemen from the Police Bureau today so they can set a price and fix the tax amount for the year through a licensing system. Once a transport company has paid its dues for the year, any vehicle with a license won't have to pay taxes again. As for those without licenses, we can't do anything about them."

After some discussion and explanation, the Police Bureau also understood the key point. If the Police Bureau possessed the power to issue licenses, then those who joined Xu Erba's transport company would pay a set amount to them each year. Although they inwardly suspected this was a massive trap, it was absolutely impossible for the people in the Police Bureau not to be tempted.

Because the implications were too great, neither the Police Bureau nor the Bank of Communications dared to agree immediately. Furthermore, the carts were indeed expensive; a set of wheels could cost over a hundred silver dollars at most or fifty at least. The poor who relied on their labor naturally couldn't afford them. Since the People's Party was involved, even Fourth Master Chang, who could afford the money, didn't dare buy a cart.

Yuan Shikai eventually received the report. The Bank of Communications was Beiyang's bank, and the Police Bureau was staffed by Yuan's confidants. Yuan asked casually, "How much can we make in a year?"

The Police Chief and the Bank of Communications officer looked at each other. The Police Chief signaled several times to the officer, who said hesitantly, "For Beijing and Tianjin, making two million silver dollars a year shouldn't be a problem."