"If I die, a successor to the Party Chairman must be elected." As soon as Chen Ke finished speaking, a low roll of thunder rumbled outside. Anhui had entered the rainy season, but the cadres of the People's Party Central Committee had still rushed from various provinces to attend the meeting.

The Central Committee members sat with grim expressions, remaining silent for a long time. Finally, Qi Huishen spoke up. "Chairman Chen, let me go to the meeting instead."

"This meeting is of great consequence. It wouldn't be an exaggeration to say it will decide China's fate for years to come. I must go personally," Chen Ke said calmly.

"Chairman Chen, in this meeting, Yuan Shikai and his Beiyang group are the ones who will benefit. I just can't feel at ease with that," Zhang Yu said, his heavy voice representing the sentiments of many People's Party cadres.

"How much money can Beiyang truly make from this agreement? Won't the lion's share still be earned by our base areas?" He Zudao replied. After expressing his support for Chen Ke, however, He Zudao also grew worried about Chen Ke's safety. "Chairman Chen, is Yuan Shikai truly trustworthy?"

Seeing the genuine anxiety in He Zudao's eyes, Chen Ke smiled. "Whether Yuan Shikai dares to touch me depends on how well all of you do your work. As long as we don't have problems ourselves, Yuan Shikai wouldn't dare touch a single hair on my head. If we encounter problems, we can't blame him for taking advantage of our misfortune. Of course, it's better to be safe than sorry, so we must consider the worst-case scenarios ourselves."

The comrades' expressions remained grim. Chen Ke didn't need to emphasize the benefits the base areas would gain. However, the People's Party was forced to allow Yuan Shikai's Beiyang group to obtain significant interests, which was extremely difficult for the comrades to accept.

"Chairman Chen, as someone from the Propaganda Department, I feel I have no way to explain this to the comrades below," Zhang Yu stated his view bluntly. "Yuan Shikai is now the Central Government; he naturally reaps the good reputation. If things go wrong, he'll just push the blame onto us. It's too easy for us to become the scapegoats."

"Since you already understand this, then you must fight. There must be struggle in the field of propaganda. Furthermore, let me say it again: we rely on the broad masses, while Yuan Shikai relies on those exploiting classes. In the hearts of the people, while the Manchu Qing might still have some traditional influence, Yuan Shikai has no inherent legal status. What we want are orders—massive job opportunities. These opportunities will bring the broad masses the chance to achieve a better life through their own labor. Whatever the gentry and literati say is as meaningless as a fart. Don't pay it any mind."

As he spoke, Chen Ke's expression grew serious. "Comrades, do not think that just because we aren't at war for the moment, class struggle has ceased. On the contrary, the struggle has not eased; it is unfolding comprehensively on all fronts. The fall of the Manchu Qing means our struggle to overthrow the Qing and end the imperial system is over. With that primary contradiction gone, previous secondary contradictions have become primary. Based on our Party's class stance, the other provinces are actually our enemies. Our primary enemy at this stage is those who attach themselves to European and American foreign powers. I am going to Beijing this time precisely to draw a clear line on this point."

At the mention of struggle, the comrades' spirits lifted. Zhang Yu quickly grasped the point. "Chairman Chen, you mean that if Yuan Shikai and the others follow the European and American powers, they are the enemies we must strike down now?"

"Yuan Shikai is currently so poor he'd pawn his own trousers. He has to do business with foreigners and borrow from the devils; he doesn't have many choices to begin with. But betraying the nation's interests is another matter entirely. Regardless of what choice Yuan Shikai makes now, we must overthrow Beiyang in the future, and it will surely be through military means. However, that doesn't mean we should adopt any means of struggle without a bottom line right now."

Clearly, Chen Ke's words did not find complete resonance. The comrades remained silent only because they were willing to accept Chen Ke's leadership, not because they truly accepted all of his views. From a domestic strategic perspective, the young comrades were unwilling to yield even a fraction of an inch. They clearly could not yet understand the truth behind the saying "taking a loss is a gain."

At least everyone was no longer in direct opposition. Chen Ke could only push the current situation to this level for now. The Party Committee elected a plan with Qi Huishen as the second choice, Lu Huitian as the third, and Shang Yuan as the fourth. The People's Party delegation would be led by Chen Ke, with Yan Fu and Chen Tianhua as the core members.

To the Central Committee's surprise, Chen Ke proposed sending a delegation led by Wang Qinian to Southeast Asia to connect with Chinese merchants there.

"Southeast Asia is a major market for us and a vital source of raw materials. We must begin making connections there now. The purpose of this delegation is to build a network of relationships. Don't make any promises for now. The Party Committee will discuss the specific arrangements," Chen Ke gave the overall plan.

After receiving the telegram about Chen Ke's imminent arrival in Beijing, Yuan Shikai convened a cabinet meeting.

"Chen Wenqing is coming to Beijing to discuss financial matters." This news did not bring the slightest relief to the Beiyang cabinet. To be honest, these men wanted to be rid of Chen Ke as quickly as possible. At the very least, they hoped he would come to Beijing in the capacity of a local official helping the central government, rather than as an equal. However, such thoughts were clearly unrealistic, so the attitude within the Beiyang cabinet was visibly hostile.

"President, this Chen Ke has always harbored ill intentions. This trip to Beijing is absolutely for the benefit of the People's Party. We must be careful," said Vice Premier Xu Shichang. Recently, Premier Yikuang had submitted his resignation three times; it was only a matter of time before Xu Shichang became Premier. At this moment, he had to be the first to speak.

"Juren, what scheme do you think Chen Ke might have?" Yuan Shikai was also quite worried about this. Since Chen Ke had not used military force to threaten them, he would generally use his military strength as a background to try and gain more at the negotiating table.

"The People's Party previously mentioned a conscription plan. Based on the news we've received, they've already recruited over a hundred thousand men. Including their original troops, they must have three hundred thousand. With Chen Ke coming to Beijing at this time, he's surely plotting for more than just local influence; he likely has designs on the Central Government as well," Xu Shichang replied.

"If Chen Ke wanted to be an official, he probably would have proposed it long ago. If he were willing to serve in Beijing, it would actually save us a lot of trouble," Duan Qirui countered. Everyone knew that Yuan Shikai intended to appoint Duan as Vice Premier after Xu Shichang became Premier. Seeing Duan Qirui contradict Xu Shichang, many people felt a secret satisfaction.

"President, in my view, Chen Ke has correctly identified our financial difficulties. He intends to use financial matters to build his reputation and then legitimately interfere in other territories." To some people's surprise, Duan Qirui was not trying to oppose Xu Shichang for the sake of it. Since Duan was objective in his assessment, even Xu Shichang nodded slightly at this point.

"Chen Ke is waiting for an opportunity. The Republic has just been founded, and he doesn't dare revolt. If the People's Party gains a legitimate status now, it will be hard to say later," Duan Qirui continued.

"Whether he doesn't dare to revolt or doesn't want to revolt—there's a vast difference," Zhang Jian replied. As a man from Jiangsu, Zhang Jian harbored a deep hatred for the People's Party. Along with land reform, his family's investments in northern Jiangsu had vanished. However, his clearly provocative words found little resonance within the Beiyang cabinet. Not only was there no resonance, but the looks others gave him were even rather disdainful.

Duan Qirui ignored Zhang Jian's comment entirely and continued with his own thoughts. "Chen Ke is a great warlord. He doesn't believe the Central Government is truly the central authority. In this matter of money, he naturally won't have any respect for the Center. President, I believe Chen Ke is likely to adopt the strategy of 'supplanting the host' (fan ke wei zhu)."

Yuan Shikai felt rather irritable as he listened. At the mention of "supplanting the host," his first thought was not of Chen Ke, but of the various Beiyang generals. Logically, the provincial governors should have supported the Center financially, but in reality, they not only failed to support it but also constantly demanded funds from the Center. Compared with Chen Ke, Yuan Shikai truly couldn't distinguish who was the guest and who was the host.

Thinking of this, Yuan Shikai asked tentatively, "Chen Ke said to notify the provinces first that whoever wants to participate in these negotiations must be willing to bear the Boxer Indemnity, and they must pay one million taels to the Center before joining. What are your views on this?"

Zhang Jian immediately replied, "President, although the finances of the provinces are currently tight, there will be a turnaround before long. If we shut them out this time, what will we do in the future?"

Hearing Zhang Jian's words, the other cabinet members neither supported nor opposed him; they all remained silent. These cabinet members knew full well that Yuan Shikai was very subtly expressing his dissatisfaction with the provincial governors. The Beiyang group looked to Yuan Shikai as their leader; any benefit Yuan secured would, of course, be shared with the Beiyang provinces. This was a tradition dating back to the New Army era. When it was time for pay, the officers would shout for every soldier's wage, "The one giving you your stipend is Yuan Gongbao!" For these people, it was only natural to live off Yuan Gongbao. When problems arose, Yuan Gongbao would solve them; everyone else just had to follow orders. Zhang Jian's words were the foolish talk of someone who didn't understand the situation.

Sure enough, seeing that the cabinet members remained silent, Yuan Shikai said slowly to Zhang Jian, "If they aren't willing to pay now, when will they ever be? And when exactly is this 'future'? When they have money? By the time they have money, will we still need their pittance?"

Zhang Jian wanted to argue further, but Yuan Shikai clearly had no intention of listening. "I will certainly not let Chen Ke pull any schemes this time. However, as everyone knows, I am clear-cut in my rewards and punishments. If Chen Ke truly wants to cooperate, I won't wrong him. Also, some of those below might have the wrong idea and think this is a good opportunity. Go back and manage your people; no one is allowed to touch a single hair on Chen Ke's head. Since he dares to come to me, none of you shall make me lose face."

The train carrying the People's Party delegation sped along the rails. Having ridden high-speed trains in his previous life, Chen Ke truly couldn't compliment this speed—at forty kilometers per hour, it was a snail. On the contrary, many of the young members of the delegation were riding a train for the first time. They were extremely curious about this vehicle that moved automatically and were fascinated by the ever-changing scenery on both sides of the tracks.

Huang Yuyue was one of the delegation members. Watching the landscape pass by the window, she couldn't help but think of the time when she was "kidnapped" by the People's Party. At that time, for girls like them, the things seen during the long march of the troops were already eye-opening. But compared to the train, it seemed like nothing. Moreover, she was going to Beijing, a city that "existed only in legends." What did the imperial capital thousands of li away truly look like? How magnificent and jewel-encrusted would it be? What would the Emperor and the Empress Dowager look like? How would the clothes of the people in the streets differ from those in the base area?

"Meeting time!" Hearing the shout, Huang Yuyue reluctantly pulled her thoughts back from these imaginings to reality.

Chen Tianhua was the manager of this mission, while the negotiations were handled by Chen Ke and Yan Fu. Managing the entire delegation was Chen Tianhua's responsibility. This role, essentially that of a head steward, was something he wasn't quite used to. He had asked Chen Ke why a comrade more skilled in this kind of work wasn't put in charge.

"None of us have ever done this work; we have no experience. No one is more suited for it than anyone else," Chen Ke gave an answer that wasn't much of an answer.

Since Chen Ke said so, Chen Tianhua could only take on the task. After several years of practical work, Chen Tianhua was no longer the radical youth of 1905. He noticed that Chen Ke didn't demand much of these young comrades, yet there was a subtle attitude that was even harsher than being nitpicky. This attitude could be sensed but was hard to explain, and Chen Tianhua was quite puzzled by it. During a break in work, he asked about it. "Wenqing, are you dissatisfied with these young comrades?"

Chen Ke's reply was casual. "It's not a matter of satisfaction or dissatisfaction. I'm just observing their characteristics."

"Tell me in detail so I can learn as well," Chen Tianhua laughed.

"To put it bluntly, it's a question of whether they have proletarian revolutionary consciousness," Chen Ke replied, using a phrase that was overused in the 20th century.

"Proletarian revolutionary consciousness" might be a cliché for Chen Ke, but it was quite fresh for Chen Tianhua. Not only Chen Tianhua but also Yan Fu became interested and sat down to ask, "What kind of consciousness?"

"Whether participating in labor is to accumulate capital for oneself or to improve one's own labor capacity—that is the question of consciousness," Chen Ke replied.

Both Chen Tianhua and Yan Fu were quite capable, and they began to understand the meaning behind these vague words. "Be more specific," Chen Tianhua pressed.

"You both can see at a glance whether the focus is on getting things done or on securing benefits. Specific to these young comrades, is it to do the job well, or to make us have a good impression of them?" Chen Ke smiled.

Yan Fu and Chen Tianhua nodded repeatedly; the point was now very clear.

"Then Wenqing means that in our revolutionary work, we focus on getting things done, while Beiyang first focuses on factions?" Yan Fu asked.

"It's not that simple. The Beiyang people also have to talk about getting things done. But when it comes to distributing interests, they focus on factions. For our People's Party, we first focus on class stance, and only then is there the distinction between getting things done and pursuing interests," Chen Ke gave the answer.

"Wonderful!" Yan Fu was an educator and deeply agreed with this. "Then which young comrade does Wenqing favor?"

Chen Ke shook his head helplessly. "To be honest, I'm somewhat unimpressed by all of them. Those who could gain consciousness are already comrades capable of taking on major roles in the provinces. These young comrades aren't bad at heart, but their consciousness is far from sufficient. Bringing them along this time is also for the purpose of tempering them."

Hearing such a harsh evaluation from Chen Ke, Chen Tianhua finally understood the feeling he had sensed.

Not wanting to dwell on this, Chen Ke changed the subject. "In this negotiation, Yuan Shikai will absolutely not give up his leadership. Our goal is to ensure through negotiations with the foreign devils that China's customs rights are gradually returned to our hands. But Yuan Shikai might try to borrow money from the foreigners by mortgaging the customs duties; we must pay attention to that."

Historically, after the Yuan Shikai government seized power in 1912, it repeatedly sought loans from the Four-Power Consortium in a very short period, fully exposing its financial distress and its plight of being determined to rely on foreign financial capital. The Four-Power Consortium was determined not to miss the opportunity to seize this big business on the most favorable terms. On March 12, representatives of the consortium met in London to discuss loans to China. Regarding Yuan's request for five million taels, they only agreed to provide an advance of two million taels intended for military pay. As for the advances needed after April, they reiterated their willingness to assume them all. To this end, the meeting formulated harsh conditions including supervision principles. In addition to having "priority" for a sixty-million-pound loan and having the salt tax as security—points already agreed to by the Yuan government—there were also: first, China should "immediately take steps to reorganize the salt tax and help by selecting foreign experts suggested by the Inspector General of Customs"; second, the consortium should "be given proper guarantees to control and supervise the use of the proceeds of the loans [to China]"; and third, during the period when the consortium was delivering advances and before the various treasury bonds were redeemed and the Reorganization Loan was fully issued, China should undertake the obligation "not to negotiate or sign any loan or advance contract except through the mediation of the Four-Power Consortium." From this, it is clear that the obvious purpose of the consortium was to monopolize all advances and the Reorganization Loan, to supervise and control the use of the loans, and to interfere in China's salt tax with foreign experts—in a word, to be the master of China's finances.

Chen Ke had some memory of the Reorganization Loan. Even if he couldn't remember it clearly, he could see the inevitability of it. Therefore, in this negotiation, Chen Ke's goal was to sabotage the Reorganization Loan!