Yuan Shikai, Xu Shichang, and Chen Ke discussed the future design of the maritime customs with great enthusiasm. Yuan felt he had rediscovered the feeling of his younger days when he, alongside the likes of Sheng Xuanhuai and Yan Fu, discussed major affairs during Li Hongzhang's Beiyang era. Back then, they were a group of staunch "Westernizers"—either returned students from abroad or key figures promoting Westernization in various locales. In those years, they were all in their prime, quick-witted, and full of energy. Facing complex affairs, they possessed a youthful spirit and drive, believing they could clarify the world and achieve something truly magnificent.

However, times had changed. After the First Sino-Japanese War, Lord Li Hongzhang was forced to step down, and Yuan Shikai became the leader of the New Beiyang. The Hundred Days' Reform and the Boxer Rebellion followed in quick succession, and the old brothers of those years had long since drifted apart. Only Xu Shichang remained as Yuan's unwavering supporter.

Yuan Shikai truly felt he was growing old; having only talked until midnight, he felt his energy flagging and his eyelids drooping. Xu Shichang was not much better. Yet the Chen Ke before them remained sharp and focused, discussing matters with perfect order. More remarkably, Chen Ke never took any detail for granted, nor did he display the slightest expectation of relying on others.

"Wenqing, it's late; why don't you stay here with me tonight?" Yuan Shikai said, suppressing a yawn and trying to keep his voice steady.

"Would that be an imposition?" Chen Ke was unfamiliar with the customs of this era. In the 21st century, no matter how late things went or how tired he was, he always went home to sleep.

"It's no trouble. Juren, you stay tonight as well. We'll continue our talk tomorrow," Yuan Shikai replied.

"This..." Chen Ke was still uncertain.

Xu Shichang laughed. "Wenqing, who are you doing this back-and-forth for? Since we're talking, we might as well finish before we go. Neither the President nor I will be going out tomorrow; let's at least get some results out of this."

This was reasonable. Chen Ke simply wasn't used to staying at someone else's home, but given the status of the three men, their gathering to discuss affairs could already decide China's future fate. Even if they weren't talking business but just chatting, it would trigger endless speculation. With Chen Ke coming and going from Yuan's home, heaven only knew how wild the rumors outside might become.

"Then I shall impose upon the President," Chen Ke smiled.

"You are a guest here; no need for 'President' this and 'President' that. Your teacher Yan Fu and I are old brothers; you can just call me Uncle." Yuan Shikai used a rather casual tone.

Chen Ke quickly replied, "Mr. President, since we are discussing public affairs, we shouldn't mix up the forms of address. Naturally, I should call you Uncle, but I am someone who doesn't know the rules. If I say something out of place and it's heard by those with ulterior motives, they might say behind your back that you don't distinguish between public and private. It's better to stick with 'Mr. President' to avoid errors."

"Wenqing is too polite." Although he said this, Yuan Shikai's tone betrayed a sense of agreement. In truth, hearing Chen Ke address him as President made Yuan feel that such a title, which clarified their respective statuses, was quite appropriate.

The Yuan household was quite large; Chen Ke and Xu Shichang were each given their own courtyards. Xu Shichang naturally didn't fear any harm from Yuan; his attendants stayed outside. However, Chen Ke's guards were not so relaxed; they held the courtyard tightly. Meanwhile, Yuan Shikai's guards were also on alert from the outside against Chen Ke's men. The night passed in this state of "relaxed on the outside, tense on the inside."

The negotiations continued the next day. The three had already reached a consensus the day before: they absolutely could not allow other provinces to collude with the foreign devils individually. The key to controlling the other provinces lay in the transport channels.

The People's Party held Wuhan and a considerable stretch of the Yangtze River basin, thereby controlling the inland trade routes. If provinces like Hubei, Sichuan, or even Henan wanted to trade, they had to rely on the Yangtze. Wuhan was a vital trade center precisely because of its water and land accessibility. The Beijing-Hankou Railway brought materials to Wuhan, which were then loaded onto ships for the lower reaches of the Yangtze. Chen Ke was well aware that it was only as a trade center that Wuhan could enjoy such prosperity at this stage.

Guangdong and Guangxi had their own outlets to the sea, making them harder to grasp. But for other inland regions, anyone wanting to do business with foreigners had to rely on transport hubs like railways and waterways. Once Beiyang cooperated with the People's Party, they could essentially exert total control over China's entire foreign trade.

With this consensus, a foundation of shared interests was established between Beiyang and the People's Party. Their differences began to emerge more clearly. Yuan Shikai was currently in desperate need of money and wanted to look toward customs duties for a solution. However, if trade was not balanced, customs revenue would be a double-edged sword. Domestic protests against foreign goods were frequent, as foreign products were severely impacting the national bourgeoisie in coastal areas. Cheap commercial goods were driving handicraft workshops out of business.

Yuan Shikai had considered acting as the protector of the Chinese national bourgeoisie, but a protector needed to eat and drink. The national bourgeoisie complained about the central government "betraying the country" on one hand, but on the other, they worked hard to avoid paying taxes. Yuan Shikai didn't have a magic lamp to create wealth out of thin air, nor had he mastered a spell to produce gold and silver. Everyone in Beiyang was waiting for him to provide funds; his life was truly difficult.

Chen Ke could empathize with Yuan Shikai, because even in the 21st century, Chen Ke himself had evaded taxes. If measured strictly by the law, Chen Ke was an economic criminal. Falsifying accounts was nothing; he did everything from selling invoices to swapping cash for acceptances and bridge discounting. Chen Ke had done it all in those gray areas.

Because of these experiences, Chen Ke had absolutely no fondness for the market economy. Finding someone in private enterprise willing to pay taxes was less likely than finding a sow flying freely through the sky. In America, the IRS agents carried guns; if you didn't pay, they'd send you straight to prison. Al Capone, the Chicago mob boss, had men in black trench coats carrying "Chicago Typewriters"—submachine guns—and used grenades to clear the way in gang wars. The government couldn't touch him, and the police didn't dare trouble "Uncle Capone" for a small thing like "murder." In the end, he was taken down by the IRS for tax evasion. Since then, no gang dared not to pay taxes, because American tax forms included an option for "income from unknown sources."

One could earn money through crime, but the money earned from crime still had to be taxed. This was the fundamental national policy of the United States, an extremely violence-prone police state. But China's national conditions were different; even in the base areas, they didn't dare implement such lawless practices—not to mention the executive power of Yuan Shikai's Beiyang group.

"If the provinces aren't willing to put up money, they must listen to the Center. This isn't something that any random person can participate in." Chen Ke was not at all polite toward the other provinces. There's always something hateful about those who are pitiful. Perhaps it was a change in Chen Ke's mindset, but he felt no sympathy for the "result" of being a "weakling." A temporary state of distress was not a problem; the Party had always been in crisis, and the result was an unprecedented level of advancement. The People's Party had also started from an extremely difficult situation. The difference between strong and weak was not about momentary prestige or misery; the most important thing was attitude. Chen Ke could imagine what results this trade agreement would eventually bring to the provinces. He also knew full well how they would curse the dominant Beiyang and People's Party groups. But Chen Ke was not afraid of this; the curses of losers could be seen as praise for the winners.

"Wenqing, you certainly take a detached view," Xu Shichang remarked, somewhat surprised by Chen Ke's attitude. Generally, local powers tried to unite for self-preservation. Yet the People's Party not only dared to contest the leadership of the situation with Beiyang but was also blunt toward the other provinces. To Xu Shichang, this behavior seemed almost suicidal.

"Premier Xu, the Center is cursed if it does something, and cursed if it doesn't. Since it will be cursed either way, why should the Center care about the provinces' attitudes?" Chen Ke replied.

Yuan Shikai was beginning to understand Chen Ke's entire plan. The core of Chen Ke's proposal was "trade control" domestically, and using large-scale trade agreements to court the foreign devils internationally—using the name of "promoting free trade" to allow the Center to effectively manage the content of imports and exports, rather than simply implementing a model of expanding trade.

Such a plan naturally had its advantages, but Yuan Shikai could also see that if they proceeded as Chen Ke suggested, the People's Party—which already had large-scale exports—would undoubtedly play a pivotal role. Therefore, no matter what Chen Ke said, Yuan Shikai simply listened without offering any evaluation or promise.

"The Export Fair will determine the types of products and producers to be supported, and the government will provide them with preferential support. On one hand, this ensures customs revenue; on the other, it establishes corresponding production standards. Once a standard is set, all related products must comply with it to occupy the market." Chen Ke used a common 21st-century explanation for the specific implementation points.

"Wenqing, such standards might not be so easy to propagate. If other businesses are forced to adopt the same standards, it will only lead to chaos," Xu Shichang said, sounding exhausted.

"We don't need to worry about what they do; as long as we control the sales. If products from other businesses don't meet the standards, we simply won't take them. What the customs need to manage is inspection; if the quality is substandard, that's their problem. There won't be chaos—at most, a large number of businesses won't be able to export." Chen Ke was firm on this point. He had personally witnessed how thriving state-owned enterprises had walked step-by-step toward collapse after achieving success. Regarding the self-destruction of those who failed to meet standards, Chen Ke held a complex yet simple attitude.

"Premier Xu, it's not that we want to make things hard for anyone; but if we work so hard to manage exports, we absolutely cannot tolerate those who would undermine the situation!" Chen Ke said.

Xu Shichang felt Chen Ke was being somewhat excessive. If things were executed too strictly according to rules, the results would surely be poor; Xu had seen too much of this. "Wenqing, if you do this, I'm afraid you'll end up with nothing but a bad reputation."

"Premier Xu, the Center is never meant to be praised; it's meant to be cursed. One must have at least that much sense of responsibility," Chen Ke countered, advising Xu Shichang instead.

Yuan Shikai had not spoken for a long time. Hearing this, his eyes narrowed slightly, and his gaze shifted from cold to sharp.

Chen Ke met Yuan Shikai's gaze without hesitation. Back then, "Clean-Hand" Zhu was someone everyone said should be killed. Yet as a Premier, he had indeed completed the work he was supposed to do. Chen Ke admired that. If Yuan Shikai's Center couldn't do the same, Chen Ke felt he would need to reconsider their cooperation.

Xu Shichang, as Yuan Shikai's old partner, understood better what Yuan's expression meant. Yuan Shikai didn't care about the details of Chen Ke's proposals; his current dissatisfaction was with Chen Ke's attitude of a local power coercing the central government. Yuan could be tolerant in many areas, but that was limited to those who followed his lead. Toward someone like Chen Ke, who attempted to forcefully dominate the situation, Yuan Shikai had never been polite—except toward Empress Dowager Cixi.

Among the Beiyang high officials, while Wang Shizhen was considered Yuan Shikai's "eyes," his true chief strategist—at least in critical moments—was Xu Shichang. Their cooperation had reached its peak during the Hundred Days' Reform. Xu, like Yuan, possessed both political ambition and patriotic fervor; in his youth, Yuan Shikai was indeed a patriot. When Xu was in the Hanlin Academy, following the defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War, he had joined dozens of colleagues in impeaching Li Hongzhang. During the Hundred Days' Reform, both Xu and Yuan participated in the reform movement. But at the critical moment, when the new and old forces clashed and the reformers pinned all their hopes on Yuan Shikai, who held military power, Yuan followed the advice of his "military strategist" Brother Xu: "Though the Emperor is the lord of the country, he has only recently taken power and his influence is weak. The Empress Dowager has held the reins of power for two reigns; the court officials and provincial commanders are all her confidants. The outcome of success or failure is predictable. Rather than helping the Emperor and inviting disaster, it is better to side with the Empress Dowager and secure rank and fame." Xu Shichang's word was final. Yuan Shikai deeply agreed and subsequently informed on the reformers to Ronglu. In the choice between righteousness and profit, Xu and Yuan realistically chose to pursue benefit and avoid harm. Both dyed their official hats red with the blood of the "Six Gentlemen" and thereafter enjoyed the favor of the Empress Dowager's faction, rising rapidly.

Now, Xu Shichang felt very clearly that the fate of Beiyang and Yuan Shikai had reached another critical juncture. Chen Ke's proposed trade plan seemed to empower the Center, but in reality, it was determining China's future fate. Such boldness was truly admirable, but Chen Ke's attempt to use local power to command the Center touched Yuan Shikai's bottom line. Yet in less than a day of contact, Xu Shichang also felt the same hard-line attitude from Chen Ke. If Yuan Shikai wouldn't yield, Chen Ke certainly wouldn't either.

"Wenqing, why don't we end our talk here for today," Xu Shichang said.

"Very well." Chen Ke also sensed that things were heading straight into a dead end. The People's Party had come seeking cooperation, not to kneel and surrender to Beiyang. As the leader of the People's Party, Chen Ke naturally could not allow the slightest deviation on this.

"Mr. President, I have essentially said all I wanted to say. I ask for your corrections." Chen Ke said.

Yuan Shikai pondered for a while, and his expression suddenly turned gentle. "Wenqing, what you've said makes a lot of sense. But in Beiyang, it's not for me alone to decide. Write up a document and submit it; I'll study it in detail."

"I have it ready." Chen Ke pulled a document from his briefcase. This was the comprehensive plan he had prepared.

Yuan Shikai smiled. "It seems Wenqing has come well-prepared. Then leave it for me to look over."

That was enough. Chen Ke gave the document to Yuan Shikai and took his leave. Yuan did not try to keep him but had Xu Shichang see him to the door.

Xu Shichang naturally didn't remind Chen Ke of anything; he simply politely saw him out the gate and returned to Yuan Shikai. Entering the study, he saw Yuan Shikai sitting in a chair with his eyes closed, as if asleep.

"President, Chen Ke has left," Xu Shichang said.

Yuan Shikai opened his eyes and spoke with a slightly weary voice. This was not an act; after talking with Chen Ke for so long, he truly felt exhausted. "Juren, what do you think of Chen Ke?"

"This man is certainly not easy to deal with," Xu Shichang sighed.

"Then can we cooperate on what he said?" Yuan asked.

"..." Xu Shichang was stunned; he hadn't expected Yuan Shikai to ask that.

Chen Ke's family had returned to the People's Party residence earlier that morning. When Chen Ke returned, the comrades all breathed a sigh of relief. After Chen Ke introduced the specifics of the situation, Chen Tianhua couldn't help but ask, "Chairman Chen, do you think Yuan Shikai will agree to cooperate?"

"That depends on who Yuan Shikai plans to rely on. If he plans to rely on the European and American powers, he will cooperate with them. If he wants to rely on himself, he'll have no choice but to cooperate with us."

"Is Yuan Shikai going to learn from our base area?" Chen Tianhua was quite surprised.

"Most likely. Our revolutionary cause is primarily about managing ourselves. As for many of the enemy's specific reactions—they simply have no other choices in the face of reality."

Hearing Chen Ke's words, Chen Tianhua still lacked sufficient confidence. "According to what you say, Chairman, what exactly is the difference between the two sides?"

"The difference lies in the consciousness of proletarian revolution." Chen Ke returned to his cliché.

"Explain the proletariat in more detail." Chen Tianhua still had no clear concept of the proletariat.

"The proletariat I refer to meets two conditions. First, in terms of material conditions, socialized mass production has already become the mainstream production model of society. Second, in terms of ideology, an individual's perspective is centered on social production, rather than on their own self-perception."

Chen Tianhua and Yan Fu had already transcended self-centeredness in terms of ideology, but regarding material conditions, they indeed lacked Chen Ke's vision. However, since Chen Ke had attained the position of People's Party leader through his immense advantages in ability and vision, the two did not question his words.

"The proletariat are not paupers; the idea that being poor is the characteristic of the proletariat is a misconception and a smear. This 'proletarian' (wuchan) means not possessing assets (capital), not that one has no personal property." Chen Ke used to explain revolutionary concepts mostly by the book, but this explanation of the proletariat was truly the result of his own consideration. Although the basic theory was still that of Marx and Chairman Mao, the derived conclusion was somewhat different—at least different from the explanations in the books he had read.

"As a laborer, in the complex large-scale social labor of the future, one can only complete one link of the work. For a single link to own all the production materials of that social labor is clearly unreasonable. This is where the difference between public and private ownership of the means of production arises."