Although he was the President of the Republic, at this critical moment, Yuan Shikai found himself having to personally receive the foreign ministers of various nations. This was truly a helpless situation. In this regard, he slightly envied Chen Ke. Given Yuan Shikai's experience, at least within China, he had never seen a political organization as unified from top to bottom as the People's Party—excluding, of course, the ganging-up "foreign devils." Every representative of the People's Party was, at the very least, working toward the same goal, and there was no difference in their overarching objective of making that happen. The main reason Chen Ke personally stepped forward was that the young revolutionaries with him had relatively limited capabilities. However, at any given time, the explanations Yuan Shikai heard from the People's Party were consistent.

In contrast, whether in the former Qing Dynasty or the Beiyang government, everyone had their own hidden agendas. For instance, when facing the "foreign devils," Tang Shaoyi from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was not actually reliable. If the current affairs were left to Tang Shaoyi, the first thing he would protect would not be the interests of the Beiyang government, but his own reputation. Thus, Yuan Shikai had to personally take the lead.

The British Minister showed a hint of surprise when Yuan Shikai reopened the discussion on the Quota Trade Agreement. After all, this was a matter between Chen Ke and Yuan Shikai. As Chen Ke had predicted, the British had no intention of refusing. Not only did they not refuse, but the "British fellows" instead wore expressions that suggested they took it for granted.

It wasn't until Yuan Shikai and the British representative had roughly finished their discussion and were about to see the guest out that the British Minister finally asked about the Qingdao issue.

"If military conflict continues in this manner, it will lead to significant losses for all parties involved," Yuan Shikai replied.

In the late Qing era, one could say that for decades, only one and a half people had managed to negotiate with foreigners backed by military victory. The first was Yuan Shikai. During his time in Korea, facing the step-by-step encroachment of the Japanese, Yuan Shikai had swiftly resolved Korea's internal rebellion, stabilized the situation, and shattered the Japanese plot to interfere in Korea. The other "half" was Feng Zicai, who led the victory at Zhennan Pass. However, since Feng Zicai was not in charge of the negotiations, while Guangxi was saved, Annam was lost.

In 1910, Japan utilized internal traitors in Korea to sign the *Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty*, and Yuan Shikai's achievements of those years vanished completely. But now, the People's Party had once again handed Yuan Shikai an opportunity leveraged by military victory. Yuan Shikai knew that while Cixi could squander such opportunities at will—because neither Yuan Shikai nor Feng Zicai could rebel against her or the Qing court—Chen Ke and the People's Party would absolutely not allow Yuan Shikai to waste it so recklessly.

"Qingdao involves the *Jiaozhou Lease Treaty*. I believe this is not something to be treated lightly," the British Minister's reply was very clear.

Seeing the British Minister speak this way, Yuan Shikai adopted a posture of delaying as much as possible. "If the Minister feels this matter should not be treated lightly, we might as well wait and see how things develop for now. After all, the war is only occurring in Lianyungang and Qingdao. It does not affect the overall situation in China."

The British Minister frowned upon hearing this. The current situation was indeed tricky. If the People's Party had lost the battle, everything would be easy to handle. The Great Powers would either take advantage of the crisis or intervene in Chinese affairs under the guise of "upholding justice." For example, after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, when Japan occupied Northeast China and refused to leave, the Great Powers finally "upheld justice," allowing Japan to gain the "Liaodong Peninsula Ransom," while the powers maintained the balance of influence in the status quo of China.

However, the current situation was that the People's Party had captured Qingdao and inflicted heavy casualties on the German Marines on the beaches of Lianyungang. Kaiser Wilhelm II was a typically unreliable, moody figure whose various "whimsical ideas" led rational European diplomats to believe he belonged in a mental asylum rather than a palace. Yet, among Wilhelm II's cousins, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia was one who exceptionally followed his cousin's lead. If Yuan Shikai refused to make any compromise, the escalation of the war was no joke.

Within the diplomatic corps, Britain and France were the closest, and the mental states of both ministers were relatively normal. They both saw one problem: if this war continued, it would inevitably come down to victory or defeat. The People's Party's victory over Germany wasn't particularly extraordinary in itself, but if the war expanded and China emerged victorious, it would mean China would break free from the current situation of foreign control.

Britain had spent half a century, launched several wars, and exerted immense effort for the purpose of opening the Chinese market. Now, they saw themselves nearing the goal. Yuan Shikai's Beiyang government was already a relatively open administration, while the "rebel" People's Party practically made welcoming international trade their basic policy. Constructing a stable trade system and further expanding trade in China had already become the core of Britain's recent Far East policy.

If an uncontrollable war were to take place, even a victory would cause significant damage to Britain's immediate interests. If it resulted in failure, the harm would be even greater.

Unfortunately, Germany, which was at the center of the storm, was ruled by that unreliable Wilhelm II. If the situation could not be calmed quickly, allowing the matter to escalate would shatter the hard-won stability in the Far East.

"Besides the Quota Trade Agreement, does Mr. President have no other plans for Qingdao?" the British Minister asked.

"If I were to send troops to capture Qingdao and then present it to Germany with both hands, the Germans wouldn't be grateful, and what kind of reputation would I have in today's China?" Yuan Shikai countered.

Despite his vast experience, the British Minister almost burst out laughing upon hearing Yuan Shikai's accurate assessment of the Germans. Indeed, even if Yuan Shikai did so, the Germans would absolutely not be grateful; on the contrary, they would demand even more from him. This was a situation all too common in China.

"I won't do anything that makes me look bad to both sides. If the Minister is asking for a solution, I do have one. Both Qingdao and Lianyungang were involved in the fighting, so we might as well designate these two port cities as Economic Development Zones. Foreign commercial enterprises can freely invest, open factories, and do business here. They can fully utilize the vast trade regions covered behind these two cities. Doing so would allow me to explain things domestically, and German 'face' could also be preserved," Yuan Shikai replied.

"Open concessions in these two cities?" the British representative was quite surprised by this suggestion.

"Not concessions, but Economic Development Zones. The sovereignty and jurisdiction of these two cities would be entirely managed by us. Everyone could safely and without restriction conduct trade and investment activities within these two cities."

"With no restrictions on who can invest or trade here?" the British Minister was somewhat skeptical.

"Yes. No country will be restricted. An Economic Development Zone is somewhat similar to a free trade city. The local laws of these two cities will be formulated entirely by the people within them," Yuan Shikai's explanation showed quite a bit of legal awareness.

"This condition will not appease the anger of the Germans," the British Minister believed what Yuan Shikai offered looked good but was far from enough.

"In a state of war, there are two aspects: enemy property and private assets. If peace can be restored now, I have no way to demand the assets of the German Colonial Office or the Navy from the People's Party. However, for factories and enterprises from German private investment, I can consider asking for them back from the People's Party. After all, private individuals did not participate in this conflict. If the conflict ends here, their legitimate interests should be protected." Yuan Shikai played the final card promised by Chen Ke. Pausing for a moment, he added, "Of course, if this conflict expands in this manner, German private property will also be regarded as enemy property by the People's Party. At that point, nothing I say will matter."

After saying all this, Yuan Shikai appeared unruffled on the surface, but he felt somewhat uneasy in his heart. When he and Chen Ke discussed how to end this conflict, they reached a consensus: fear was useless; the only thing to do was to hold out to the end. Germany was, after all, fighting a long-distance expedition, and Lianyungang was the People's Party's territory. Since Germany was attacking the People's Party's base, the People's Party would naturally take responsibility for the defense.

With Qingdao in Chinese hands, it would be impossible for the Germans to take it away without paying a massive price. Chen Ke had solemnly guaranteed that it would be absolutely impossible for the Germans to retake Qingdao without sacrificing over 200,000 lives. If the Germans truly sent troops, the People's Party would be responsible for defending Qingdao, and Yuan Shikai's Beiyang government would not need to provide assistance.

What the Beiyang government needed to do was to remain firm in its stance. Chen Ke's attitude was very clear: if the People's Party faced a situation of internal and external crisis, the Beiyang government would be the People's Party's first choice for a strike.

Yuan Shikai had put his very life on the line this time; it was impossible for him not to feel any unease.

The British Minister only raised a few related minor questions before taking his leave. Yuan Shikai felt a wave of relief. The development of events was indeed as Chen Ke had predicted: as soon as the temporary non-confiscation of German private assets was mentioned, the British representative ceased being aggressive. However, if Chen Ke's prediction was correct, this was only the prelude to the storm. The British would never exert effort so easily, and Germany would not give up so simply. Until both sides felt that further fighting was meaningless, this conflict would not end.

Whether Yuan Shikai could stand firm in this conflict without wavering, and whether he could face various threats without compromise—Yuan Shikai could see that Chen Ke didn't have much confidence in him. In fact, if he hadn't been forced into this corner, Yuan Shikai wouldn't have had much confidence in himself either.

After the victory at Zhennan Pass, and when Yuan Shikai suppressed the internal rebellion in Korea, he had once been extremely disappointed with the court led by Cixi. This was because the court cared nothing for the fruits of victory of those fighting abroad for the country, even treating them with contempt. Now that the fruits of the People's Party's victory were temporarily handed to Yuan Shikai, he found that he too considered it a "hot potato." He could neither hold on to it nor throw it away.

Because this was not the final victory, but a simple phase victory. If the Beiyang central government wanted to continue utilizing this victory, it would have to pay a higher price. And the danger that followed would be even greater than before.

Most importantly, even if a final victory was achieved, what then? It would only make Yuan Shikai and Feng Zicai existences whose "merit overshadowed the lord." Just like this time, if they truly won in the subsequent struggle, the People's Party, as the one who struck first, would also gain influence surpassing that of the Beiyang center.

Thinking of this, Yuan Shikai couldn't help but smile bitterly. No wonder when Chen Ke met him, he had spoken bluntly: "As for current interests, I still believe in the saying that 'taking a loss is a gain.'" And: "However, as long as the Great President does not declare himself Emperor, I will absolutely support Lord Yuan as this Great President."

Chen Ke truly wasn't afraid of taking a loss. As long as this matter could be accomplished, everything Chen Ke appeared to lose now—whether status or interest—would all fall into Chen Ke's hands once Yuan Shikai died. Truly, "taking a loss is a gain."

Chen Ke didn't care about Yuan Shikai's thoughts. The history of the Party proved one thing: in the face of People's War, any invasion by European or American powers attempting to destroy China was destined to fail. The base areas in history grew stronger as they fought; there was no reason the People's Party couldn't achieve the same. If the "foreign devils" truly invaded China like the Japanese army, although they would face a terrifying situation, the People's Party would surely achieve the final victory. And this victory would inevitably be a great victory for the complete liberation of China.

"If peace is sought through struggle, peace will survive; if peace is sought through compromise, peace will perish." Chairman Mao's understanding of history was just that profound. Therefore, although Chen Ke had reached a certain agreement with Yuan Shikai, he never truly considered this "heaven knows if it's reliable" agreement as his bottom line.

In the black-and-white old movies of the 1950s and 60s, whenever "devils" (Japanese) went to the countryside, it was said to be twenty devils and hundreds of "puppet troops." This was a clear textbook. Chen Ke wasn't afraid of making things big, or even changing history. For instance, the armies that originally slaughtered each other in Europe might unite to attack China. After all, when Japan invaded China, the Japanese "devils" could still pull together a significant number of puppet troops in China. At the current stage, it was impossible to have puppet troops of such scale and quality as enemy auxiliary forces.

Even if ten million "foreign devils" entered China, if they gathered in big cities, they would be crushed by their own consumption. If these foreign devils went to the countryside and also built blockhouses and established strongpoints, they could basically be considered "sending meat to the door." Europe's total population was only about 300 million now; at most, there were 90 million young men. Losing ten million young men would mean one death for every nine. Europe wouldn't be able to survive that. They would collapse on their own.

If there truly were such a war, the ones who would ultimately be liberated would definitely not be the Europeans. The factor deciding this war was solely the extent to which the People's Party could integrate with the people.

After inspecting Qingdao, Chen Ke returned to Xuzhou. Waiting for him, besides the comrades of the People's Party, was actually the figure of Tao Chengzhang. Upon seeing Chen Ke, Tao Chengzhang stepped forward and said, "Wenqing, I have come this time commissioned by the comrades of the Guangfu Society. If the foreign devils attack China, all our comrades in the Guangfu Society are willing to fight for China under Wenqing's banner."

Chen Ke was suddenly quite moved. By now, the only one in all of China truly willing to stand clearly on the People's Party's side was the Guangfu Society. As for the other forces, quite a few spies sent to scout for information had been caught. The rest all maintained silence. But there was no helping it; no one was a fool. The People's Party had not achieved a decisive victory. If other provinces expressed support, what if they were targeted for retaliation by the Germans? Moreover, since the attitude of the Great Powers was currently so unclear, it was a correct choice for each power to seek self-preservation. The Germans in the Far East were far from the point where "everyone pushes the falling wall."

Chen Ke smiled. "Thank you for the support of Mr. Tao and the comrades of the Guangfu Society. The war has temporarily come to an end; there won't be any action in the short term. Germany is thousands of miles from China; if they truly fight again, it will be at least several months away."

Tao Chengzhang originally thought that after such a great victory, Chen Ke would be extremely excited, but seeing him as calm as ever, he was greatly impressed. After the fall of the Manchu Qing, the situation in China had initially stabilized. The result of "federal provincial autonomy" was that each province focused its attention on itself, and for now, no one wanted any upheaval. The Guangfu Society occupied southern Zhejiang, basically in a state of local autonomy. Under the leadership of Cai Yuanpei, the local officials in southern Zhejiang were all arranged by the Guangfu Society itself. This part of the Guangfu Society led by Cai Yuanpei was dedicated to competing for seats and influence in the Zhejiang Provincial Assembly. The so-called "all comrades of the Guangfu Society" were merely the part of people under Tao Chengzhang, Xu Xilin in western Zhejiang, and Qiu Jin.

While every province pursued peace and quiet, the People's Party was always at the center of the storm. Whether this approach was "courageous" or "foolish" was evaluated differently by various parties. Furthermore, Tao Chengzhang's visit this time was not purely to support the People's Party. He hoped to seize the entirety of Zhejiang. To achieve such a result, the easiest way was undoubtedly to request the People's Party's support. The only question was under what circumstances to raise this request with Chen Ke. At the very least, when Chen Ke had just returned from Qingdao, it was clearly inappropriate.

The Party Center immediately convened a meeting. Chen Ke reported the temporary agreement with Yuan Shikai. He also explained the fragility and unreliability of this agreement. The comrades had long been accustomed to Chen Ke's "insidiousness"; the People's Party never believed that relying on others was of much use. One of Chen Ke's favorite sayings was, "Rely on the mountain and it falls; rely on the river and it runs dry," and "Use your own hands for ample food and clothing." It wasn't that no comrades had paid a price for failing to implement this idea of Chen Ke's ideologically.

"So, what do we do now?" Shang Yuan asked.

The main thing Chen Ke had considered along the way was this question. Facing unprecedented changes, he had to provide a way to respond. "The current task is to strengthen Party building. Although our material preparation is still far behind, under the current situation, we must transcend current material preparation and carry out ideological construction. I will tell everyone all of my personal perceptions and presuppositions."

Hearing this, the eyes of all members of the Huaihai Provincial Committee and the Central Committee members who had rushed to Xuzhou lit up. Chen Ke was not only the leader of the People's Party but also the greatest mystery within it. His mysterious background aside, most importantly, every comrade in a key department felt that the perception of the world and the vision for China's future in Chen Ke's mind was unimaginable and full of immense curiosity.

"To put it bluntly, Party building is one question: does our Party stand on the side of the propertied class or the side of the laborers? In the New China created by our People's Party in the future, what kind of people will the ruling class be?" Chen Ke used these words as his answer and opening.