"The impact of the improvement of productive forces on social change is extremely huge. After entering the industrial age, with the great liberation of productive forces, the speed of world change and development is particularly rapid..." Feng Xu slightly closed his eyes, listening to Ren Yugang reading the People's Party's latest study materials in a calm tone.

As a surrendered official, Feng Xu couldn't completely adopt the People's Party's platform as his own pursuit; he merely felt admiration for Chen Ke, the leader of the People's Party. But as a great scholar, his view of the world was quite close to reality. Just as he wanted to continue listening, Ren Yugang's voice paused. Without urging him, Feng Xu simply leaned back in his chair in a more comfortable position and began to rest his eyes.

"Mr. Feng, what exactly does Chairman Chen mean by this?" Ren Yugang asked very seriously. In fact, according to the rules of the old era, there was no need for Ren Yugang to be so polite to Feng Xu. His daughter, Ren Qiying, was now the "noble" director of the Anhui Provincial Office of the People's Party, while Feng Xu had only been the Anhui Provincial Treasurer, a status perhaps slightly lower than Ren Qiying's. One could say "the father is honored because of the daughter," though Ren Yugang naturally wouldn't have such a foolish thought. In the old era, let alone holding a high position, Ren Qiying would have been forbidden even from taking the imperial examinations.

Ren Yugang also considered himself a true Confucian believer. He and Feng Xu were colleagues, and since Feng Xu had once served as an official in Fengyang Prefecture, the two had grown close.

"Chairman Chen has already made it very clear; he wants the broad laboring people to be the masters of the house," Feng Xu answered decisively, still with his eyes closed.

"What is the difference between the people and the laboring people?" Ren Yugang, who loved labor himself, asked directly.

Feng Xu opened his eyes. "I think in Chairman Chen's view, these laboring people are the 'gentlemen' (*junzi*), and the 'people' are probably the 'lesser men' (*xiaoren*). That's why he repeatedly emphasizes the concept of the ruling class."

The core concept of Confucianism is the idea of hierarchy: "Rites do not extend to the commoners, and punishments do not extend to the great officers." This was the core thought of Confucianism, but China's historical rulers were not easily fooled, hence the implementation of "Confucianism on the outside, Legalism on the inside." Therefore, the concept of a ruling class was not a conflicting one for Confucianism. And Confucianism believed that those who held power should be "gentlemen." "The people may be made to follow a path, but they may not be made to understand it"—so the ruled class naturally became the "lesser men."

Ren Yugang furrowed his brow. While he found this explanation reasonable, as the document stated, society and the era were changing. If not for the great changes of this era, who could have imagined that a girl without noble birth or a husband's status could now stand above others entirely on her own? Ren Yugang felt uneasy about such changes, but as a beneficiary, he didn't want to oppose them.

"However, Chairman Chen is keen on edification and devoted to education. The words he uses are science and democracy," Feng Xu continued to explain. "Learning science, understanding science, using science—this is in line with the trend of the times. As educators, let's just get these things done first."

"What about democracy?" Ren Yugang asked.

"Democracy depends on whether it's democracy within the ruling class or democracy for the whole of China. In my view, Chairman Chen will absolutely not engage in electoral democracy. The Constitution clearly states that since the People's Party leads China, the People's Party naturally holds sway over the world. Look at Chairman Chen's discourse on the dictatorship of the proletariat; his description of the proletariat follows the standards of the 'gentleman' entirely." Feng Xu's voice sounded quite relieved as he said this. Although Chen Ke only claimed to be half a disciple of Xunzi—and even if Xunzi had little status in the Qing Dynasty—Xunzi was still a self-proclaimed Confucian. Most importantly, Chen Ke had not expressed any intention to completely overthrow Confucianism, which made Feng Xu feel fortunate.

When Ren Yugang first saw Chen Ke's discourse on the proletariat, he had the same feeling as Feng Xu. But when he wrote privately to his daughter, Ren Qiying, the answer he received surprised him. Hearing Feng Xu's evaluation, Ren Yugang felt Feng Xu was being a bit presumptive. Organizing his thoughts, he said, "A gentleman certainly has the sentiment of 'the world is for the public,' but Chairman Chen specifically emphasized that the social background of the proletarian dictatorship in the new era is socialized large-scale production, which emphasizes social equality. Without this social equality, wouldn't it just be the same old Confucianism? I think using 'gentleman' to describe the proletariat might not be quite right."

Feng Xu unhurriedly stated his view. "We talk about 'essence and utility' (*ti yong*). Although Confucianism originated from Confucius, since the Qin Dynasty, if the feudal lords could still contend with the Son of Heaven, it would be a chaotic time. So, who holds power is the 'essence.' But the key to our Confucianism is the 'utility.' Whether it's the principles or things of this world, if they are useless, they wouldn't last two days, let alone two thousand years. Chairman Chen speaks of social change, which is the correct principle. My mentor once said that if one treats the *Analects* merely as abstract principles, it's better not to read them at all. The *Analects* speak of useful matters. Later corrupt scholars only recognized a few characters, read a few books, and could write a name tablet, so they held up that tablet and called themselves disciples of Confucius. The difficulties of our Confucianism all stem from this."

Although Ren Yugang had read Confucian books, his teacher was just an ordinary *xiucai*. Compared to a figure like Feng Xu, his level of education was far inferior.

"Mr. Feng, where do you think Chairman Chen's 'utility' is applied?"

"Yugang, the ruling class and the rulers are quite different. Rulers come from the ruling class, but not everyone in the ruling class can become a ruler. Throughout history, there have been many who could be called 'gentlemen,' but most of them couldn't hold office—just like you, Yugang, who could be an official but doesn't want to be. Chairman Chen is still young; he hopes that all the people of the world can become the ruling class, or at least all the laboring people. After all, it's a republic now; Chairman Chen will not be emperor and has no selfish interest for one family or name. From the perspective of the public interest, this is the correct principle. I believe Chairman Chen hopes to use this era of great change to transform the world."

Ren Yugang had already admired Feng Xu, and now he admired him even more. If the era hadn't changed, the Ren family wouldn't have seen such a big shift. Many people in this era of intense change saw unfamiliar phenomena and felt great unease. Only those who can understand the world can see the opportunities contained within. This might be the perspective possessed only by the ruling class.

"Then, does Mr. Feng intend to revive Confucianism in this era?" Ren Yugang asked.

"That's impossible," Feng Xu answered cleanly. "What Chairman Chen is doing now is holding up the views he advocates. If I tried to revive Confucianism... haha, wouldn't that be like a mantis trying to stop a chariot?"

Ren Yugang was deeply moved by Feng Xu's words. If Feng Xu truly had the ambition to "revive Confucianism," Ren Yugang would certainly not be so foolish as to join him; he was determined to draw a clear line.

"Since Confucius, Confucianism has never been the 'essence'; whenever Confucianism gained power, it was always through this word 'utility.' Yugang, if we hold Confucianism in our hearts, we should explain its utility thoroughly. Since Confucius, Confucianism has served the ruling class; now, we naturally must continue to serve the ruling class. This is what Chairman Chen calls 'class consciousness,' isn't it?"

Hearing Feng Xu's words, Ren Yugang was dumbfounded. These were truly honest words, the kind only someone who had truly read the books of the ancient sages could say. But if these words were heard by corrupt scholars, they would certainly be denounced as heresy.

"I have a plan. Chairman Chen wrote a book called *Chinese Cultural Inheritance and the Rise of Materialism*, but there are many textual errors in it, and most of the examples cited are far-fetched. I have no interest in being an official; if you don't mind, Yugang, how about we revise this book together?" Feng Xu asked.

The voice wasn't loud, but in Ren Yugang's ears, it sounded like a thunderclap. A single book can leave a name for eternity. Chen Ke's fame back then started with this book. Feng Xu was already the editor of the *Xinhua Dictionary*. From the current situation, it was only a matter of time before the People's Party took over the world. Feng Xu could leave his name to posterity simply by being the editor of the first edition of the *Xinhua Dictionary*. If he could also revise Chen Ke's *Chinese Cultural Inheritance and the Rise of Materialism*, his feelings for and evaluation of Confucianism would certainly be widely circulated through this book.

Of course, there was risk in doing so. Confucianism's greatest skill was "Spring and Autumn brushwork," and it was impossible for Feng Xu not to add his own ideas to the book. Whether it was written well or whether it praised Chen Ke was secondary. If Chen Ke thought there was even the slightest idea in the book that went against his original intention, Feng Xu's end would be more than just "miserable."

The Qing Dynasty had officially perished this year. The history of the Qing was a history of literary inquisitions. The *History of the Ming* case in the early Qing, later cases like Fang Jing, and the great literary inquisitions during the Qianlong period, where families were wiped out at the drop of a hat—this bloody history was a warning. Feng Xu was 69 this year, 71 by the lunar calendar. He certainly wasn't afraid of death, and Ren Yugang himself didn't care much about it. But what he cared about was the fate of his family and the future of his daughter.

He wanted to refuse, but Ren Yugang couldn't bring himself to say it. The temptation to write a book, especially one based on Chen Ke's prestige, was so great that the thought of facing life or death couldn't entirely dispel it.

While he was torn, he heard Feng Xu say, "I will write a letter to Chairman Chen specifically to ask about this. If he agrees, we'll start writing. If he doesn't, since the book was written by Chairman Chen, it wouldn't be appropriate for us to revise it ourselves."

"That would be best!" Ren Yugang immediately replied. The weather was hot, and Ren Yugang found his back completely soaked, with sweat pouring uncontrollably from his forehead, neck, and every pore.

When Chen Ke received this letter, he was discussing the specific content of this Great Rectification with his comrades. Rectification was not lecturing; any organization has its own organizational credibility. The process of establishing credibility relies entirely on doing things; lecturing is a complete consumption of organizational credibility. The more lecturing, the lower the credibility. As the 21st-century joke goes: "If an apology was enough, what would we need the police for?"

After receiving Feng Xu's letter, Chen Ke didn't understand what Feng Xu was trying to do. "All writing is a form of copying." Chen Ke's book was originally based on the knowledge he had learned in his original time, but in this era, Chen Ke was the first to write from a brand-new perspective on Chinese history, which made people find it refreshing. As for the specific content of the book, it didn't quite match the praise it received.

But this was by no means a simple question of "can I adapt the work." Once this really started, many things would be out of Chen Ke's control. Since this wasn't Chen Ke's private affair, he could only bring it up for everyone to discuss.

The comrades' opinions were surprisingly consistent: "This must not happen."

"Chairman Chen, at this time, your thoughts haven't yet theoretically become the Party's thoughts. Feng Xu's approach is like setting up a separate household," Shang Yuan answered decisively.

Seeing Chen Ke's slightly hesitant expression, Shang Yuan continued to persuade: "You are the Chairman of the People's Party; your book is the book of our People's Party. No matter how many flaws are in it, it's not something Feng Xu has the qualifications to revise."

"But freedom of speech is in the Constitution, and Feng Xu has his own freedom of speech. If he really revises it privately, we not only cannot stop him from doing so, but we also have to guarantee Feng Xu's individual rights are not infringed upon within the scope of the Constitution," Chen Ke replied. In terms of freedom of speech, Chen Ke himself was absolutely supportive. Of course, Chen Ke's support was quite different from that of the later "elites." Chen Ke believed that free speech was indeed an inalienable power, but this power did not have the status to freely override the law. For example, in a country like America, you can say the wrong thing, but after saying it, you have to go to jail. The Constitution guarantees the power to allow people to speak freely, and this power applies during the period of speaking freely. Once the speaking is done, the guarantee of freedom of speech ends. What follows has nothing to do with freedom of speech.

In Europe, promoting Nazi ideas is illegal. But to determine whether it's illegal, the facts must first be clear. If a person shouts "Long live Little Mustache" or "Long live the Third Reich" in their heart, this absolutely cannot be used as evidence of a crime. Only after they have actually expressed the speech can they be convicted. And the act of expressing speech itself should be protected by "freedom of speech."

Chen Ke looked down on the "elites" because they didn't have the courage to take responsibility for their actions. The education Chen Ke had received since childhood contained elements of liberalism. In his youth, Chen Ke was also a "chuunibyou" youth who "resented heaven, earth, and the air, and after resenting the Soviet revisionists, resenting the American imperialists." One thing that left a deep impression on him then was about "moral integrity."

"If you've done something unpardonable, then don't ever beg for forgiveness. Before doing such a thing, you should know that you'll be hacked into a thousand pieces afterward. Don't harbor resentment when you're under the knife. To put it bluntly, that's called being a 'stone in a latrine, both smelly and hard.' To put it nicely, 'seeking benevolence and gaining it—how delightful!' As long as you can show that moral integrity, even if others curse you, I'll still consider you my son," Chen Ke remembered his mother saying in a hard-to-describe tone.

It was precisely because he took these words, full of liberal thought, to heart that Chen Ke found himself with a true fear of the law. From then on, he never had the courage to challenge law and order. Because when he examined his own heart, Chen Ke knew very well that he hadn't made any plans to accept legal punishment, let alone had the courage to accept it. Even if New China didn't have torture, the various punishments from detention to the death penalty were not just for show. During the era of "striking hard," there were more than a couple of examples where people lost their lives for robbing just a few cents.

Shang Yuan didn't know Chen Ke's experience, let alone his thinking. He felt quite puzzled that Chen Ke was actually talking about the law at this time. "Chairman Chen, this has nothing to do with the law. This is a political issue."

"This is not a political issue; this is a legal issue," Xu Dian, the President of the Supreme Procuratorate, immediately stood up. "What does Feng Xu wanting to revise Chairman Chen's book have to do with politics? If some people are sycophantic and insist on treating this revision as Chairman Chen's will, it only shows that such people are sycophants by nature. They've never stopped looking for such opportunities."

"You!" Shang Yuan knew he couldn't compete with Xu Dian in legal debate, and when mentioning freedom of speech, he couldn't say the base area's Constitution was wrong. "Fine, then let's not mention political issues; it's better to avoid unnecessary trouble."

"Avoiding unnecessary trouble is a matter of administrative cost," Xu Yuanshan took over the topic. "New policies also require costs, and given the fixed total amount of administrative investment, we all hope these investments can be used most effectively. This matter could very likely lead to a situation where administration must be used. Whether using administrative costs in this area achieves reasonable resource allocation is the issue at hand."

This explanation effectively convinced Chen Ke. If a momentary impulse caused a waste of administrative costs, Chen Ke would absolutely not do such a thing. "I'll write back and tell him I don't support this at this stage."

Chen Ke had truly underestimated Feng Xu. Feng Xu wrote back very quickly. Currently, Feng Xu had a title: Director of the Cultural and Historical Office. In other words, those captured Qing officials who had people's blood on their hands were, needless to say, executed after public trials. But there were also many who had no blood debt, or although they had participated in some suppression, it wasn't their personal will but purely administrative affairs. They couldn't simply be killed.

But they couldn't let these people do nothing and just eat. So a Cultural and Historical Office was organized to temporarily have them translate local historical materials from Classical Chinese into vernacular Chinese.

Feng Xu held such a position. He requested that the Cultural and Historical Office department revise the erroneously cited content in Chen Ke's book.

This couldn't be simply denied. There were indeed many errors in Chen Ke's book. And the Cultural and Historical Office relied on this for their living; there were quite a few figures in that group with excellent writing skills and scholarship.

"At most, they'll call me ignorant or poorly learned for making things up. Seeing how they curse us is also a form of learning. I think we should just let them do it," Chen Ke said to the comrades.

Since Chen Ke himself didn't care about being cursed, the comrades stopped refusing. After all, there were too many things that needed more attention at the moment.