"The foreign devils have finally softened," Yang Du said excitedly.

"It's all thanks to the President's arrangements. Germany is willing to negotiate with us. Until the negotiations reach a conclusion, neither side will take military action for the time being," Tang Shaoyi said with a smile. It was a genuine smile; having been in diplomacy for many years, this was the most satisfying success he had experienced. Of course, Tang Shaoyi still had to put Yuan Shikai's wise leadership at the forefront. This wasn't mere flattery; the policies Yuan Shikai had provided had indeed played a crucial role.

Yuan Shikai, however, was not so jubilant. As a military man, he was one of the few figures in modern Chinese history who had experienced the total advantage in political negotiations gained by having a background of military victory. Years ago, when Japan had agitated for control over Korea by encouraging pro-Japanese factions to stir up trouble, Yuan Shikai had crushed them with lightning speed, stabilizing the Korean political situation and thwarting Japan's ambitions.

However, the one who had achieved military victory this time was not Yuan Shikai; he was merely leading the Beiyang government to fully exploit that victory. The agreement reached between Chen Ke and Yuan Shikai had played a major role. The British and French ministers had clearly stated that as long as a fixed trade quota agreement could be reached this year, Britain and France were willing to "stand aside." The American representative, meanwhile, was seeking an audience with Tang Shaoyi every day, hoping for thorough negotiations on the quota agreement with the Chinese government.

The Russians were as devious as ever. When Tang Shaoyi made a polite visit, they only wanted to see if the Beiyang government needed anything from Russia. As for the Japanese, they always followed Britain's lead; once the British had made their stance clear, Yuan Shikai didn't pay any mind to the Japanese minister's ramblings.

Learning that the European and American powers would not hold the Beiyang government responsible for the People's Party's actions brought a breath of life into the recently gloom-ridden Beiyang cabinet. The tongues of the cabinet ministers seemed to wake from hibernation, and they vied with one another to praise Yuan Shikai for his ability to handle the situation.

Yuan Shikai remained indifferent. He knew well that this was not his own achievement. What the foreign devils feared was not the Beiyang government, but the combat power of the People's Party. The Great Powers did not have large garrisons in China. When the Beiyang Ministry of War conducted a post-battle analysis, the trusted aide-de-camp Jiang Baili had thoroughly simulated the People's Party's "luring the tiger from the mountain" strategy.

Every battle might seem admirable when simulated after the fact, but it rarely caused true shock. On paper, the People's Party didn't use any particularly brilliant stratagems; rather, it was the Germans who had been arrogant, thinking they could easily build a fort at Lianyungang and then split their forces to hold both Qingdao and Lianyungang. No one had expected the People's Party to hold Lianyungang and then send a force on a long-distance raid to Qingdao once the main German force was committed. The People's Party had a ten-to-one numerical advantage over the Germans, so capturing an under-defended Qingdao wasn't exactly a world-shaking event.

Jiang Baili certainly had a way with military theory, explaining the ins and outs in a simple and clear manner. He made a seemingly unimaginable victory look quite simple. Yuan Shikai held this young man in high regard.

"It is best that the President's strategic planning was able to avoid the flames of war," said Sa Zhenbing, the Naval Minister, who was the most relieved of all. German warships were fast; if they encountered them, the Beiyang and Nanyang Fleets would certainly suffer significant losses, as they could neither win a fight nor outrun the enemy. Furthermore, mobilizing the navy was extremely expensive, and the current Beiyang financial situation could not support the navy avoiding confrontation at sea for months on end.

"Although war has been temporarily avoided, we still need to send a mission to negotiate with the Germans. I'll have to trouble Shao-chuan to make the trip. You'll be in Germany for a few months," Yuan Shikai said.

"President, this time I not only want to go to Germany but also to the United States," Tang Shaoyi replied.

"Why?"

"I want to find someone in America named Gu Weijun. He is currently studying for a Doctorate of Laws at Columbia University. If we can bring him back, many major matters in the Foreign Ministry can be safely entrusted to him."

"I've heard you recommend him many times; he must be a talent. If you need me to write a letter, let me know in advance." Yuan Shikai trusted Tang Shaoyi's negotiating skills implicitly. Since Tang Shaoyi had repeatedly and strongly recommended Gu Weijun, it was likely that this young man would not point his finger at a foreign minister and say something as undiplomatic as "no need to wash, just sleep." The Beiyang clique was not the People's Party; while the People's Party dared to fight whenever it wanted, the Beiyang government had no need for such madness as Chen Ke's.

After the meeting adjourned, Yuan Shikai invited Tang Shaoyi to his office. "Shao-chuan, this time I want you to take Keding with you to Germany."

A look of hesitation flickered across Tang Shaoyi's face. "President, that would be somewhat inconsistent with diplomatic protocol, wouldn't it?"

"I just want the boy to go out and see the world. He's been following me since he was small, thinking every day that he's seeing great figures and great events. In truth, his vision is as narrow as a mouse's. Look at Chen Ke; although he never says where he went to school, he must have traveled abroad for a long time. Thinking about it now, I should have sent him abroad for school long ago." As he spoke, Yuan Shikai's expression was filled with the regret peculiar to a father.

As a diplomat, Tang Shaoyi knew better than anyone how to maintain propriety in conversation and was unwilling to introduce any unknown variables. But after a moment's thought, he said, "President, recently I've heard that the eldest son has been having rather frequent contact with British and French diplomats."

As soon as he finished speaking, Tang Shaoyi saw a cold light flash in Yuan Shikai's eyes. The fatherly expression vanished instantly, and Yuan Shikai became, in an instant, a statesman ruling the nation.

"Is this information accurate?"

"The British and French ministers have privately mentioned contact with the President's family. I imagine it can only be the eldest son." Tang Shaoyi replied. Yuan Shikai's second son, Yuan Kewen, was only twenty-one—not even a beginner.

"And have the British and French ministers contacted any other cabinet members?" Yuan Shikai asked extremely calmly. "Speak plainly; do not worry."

"President, after the People's Party stirred up such a large affair, the various nations are extremely concerned about whether their interests in China will be harmed. Since we, Beiyang, are the central government, they hope we can restrain the People's Party and prevent such things from happening again." There was a note of counsel in Tang Shaoyi's voice.

Hearing this, Yuan Shikai's face hardened. "Shao-chuan, the reason Britain and France aren't interfering in this matter with the Germans is solely for the sake of that quota trade agreement. What they fear now is China escaping their control. China is so large; even if Britain and France used their entire national strength to invade, what could they do? They couldn't hold it; they would eventually have to withdraw. Thus, what they want is to prop up governments that only listen to them. Initially, they wanted to find the People's Party and Chen Ke. But the People's Party absolutely refuses to listen to them, so these people turned back to us, the Beiyang government. In such matters, even Chen Ke dares not yield; we naturally cannot be inferior to him."

Hearing Yuan Shikai's words, Tang Shaoyi felt strangely moved. China's military strength was inferior to the Great Powers'; to protect Chinese interests, a powerful military force was necessary, yet the Beiyang central government bore immense financial expenditures. Currently, the economy was in dire straits, and there was simply no strength to expand the army. With the Great Powers without and the People's Party within, it took extraordinary confidence and backbone for Yuan Shikai to still maintain such a stance of protecting Chinese interests while struggling to survive.

"When I go to Germany this time, I will certainly not disgrace the nation or lose its sovereignty," Tang Shaoyi answered solemnly. Of course, this statement also naturally and easily avoided Yuan Shikai's question about which members of the Beiyang cabinet the foreign missions had contacted.

As soon as Yuan Shikai returned home, he asked where Yuan Keding was. His family replied that Yuan Keding had not said where he was going when he went out.

"Send people to find him immediately!" Yuan Shikai shouted in anger.

Yuan Keding was unaware of his father's fury. He was currently at the Japanese embassy, meeting with the Japanese minister. The Japanese minister naturally couldn't summon a troupe of geishas to the embassy, but a normal banquet was possible. After several rounds of drinks, everyone was somewhat intoxicated.

"Your Highness the Eldest Son, I wonder what your views are on China's current national system?" the minister chattered.

"It is a republic now; naturally, it is the current system," Yuan Keding replied, feigning composure.

The Japanese minister's Chinese was actually quite good. Although there was a translator speaking at the table, he himself could sense the extreme dissatisfaction in Yuan Keding's words.

"Your Highness, how many countries in the world today adopt a republican system? Only France, the United States, and a few countries in South America. Both Japan and China share Chinese culture, and there are naturally benefits to an imperial system. For example, President Yuan has received the support of all the people. According to Chinese tradition, taking the throne would be a natural development. Furthermore, China's current situation is so chaotic; without the leadership of a powerful central government, President Yuan's goal of making China as strong as Japan will be difficult to achieve."

Hearing this, Yuan Keding nodded slightly. In this era, the powerful nations were all imperial states. Britain went without saying, and both the ferocious Russians and the rising star of "iron and blood" Germany were ruled by emperors. In Europe, aside from France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Belgium, and Sweden all had monarchs. Meanwhile, republican France had once been defeated by China at Zhennan Pass, leading to the collapse of its cabinet. As for the United States in 1911, it was far from the world-dominating America of 1949. Currently, the Great Powers didn't take the US very seriously; the general view was that it was merely a primitive country on a wilderness continent. Even Americans at the time didn't consider themselves more civilized than European nations.

Opposition to republicanism was even a matter of "political correctness" in late 19th-century Europe. Regardless of how MPs or the public clamored below, the upper echelons of various countries were resolutely opposed to the "flood and wild beasts" of republicanism.

Seeing that Yuan Keding was already in agreement, the Japanese minister continued to advise, "Your Highness, what the President needs now is international support. As long as the various nations support the President taking the throne, the greatest problem will be solved. And we, Japan, also hope to see China led by an Emperor."

"But currently, it is a republic after all..." Yuan Keding said, feeling it was difficult.

"The current opponents are just those parliamentarians, but imperial countries do not oppose parliaments at all. All nations have their own parliaments. Our Japanese Diet was established even earlier. In truth, if the former Qing had established a parliament sooner, many problems would have been solved long ago," the minister said with sincere emotion.

Yuan Keding truly loved these words. An imperial system would be of great benefit to Yuan Shikai, and even greater benefit to the Yuan family. There had never been a Yuan in the imperial lineage; if that surname could be added, it would be wonderful.

"But are the nations truly willing to support it?" Yuan Keding liked the idea, but he didn't think the Great Powers, especially Japan, would be so kind as to help Yuan Shikai without reason. They would surely make various demands.

"The European and American nations hope for a stable China. But whether a stable China is imperial or republican, I believe everyone would rather see an imperial China. I spoke with the American minister about this recently; he is not opposed to the President taking the throne. They even expressed a willingness to provide sufficient support regarding the political structure."

"Truly?" Yuan Keding hadn't expected the Americans to make such a statement.

"If Your Highness does not believe it, I can invite the American minister to talk with us in a few days. Then Your Highness will know if it is so."

Hearing that so many national ministers would support Yuan Shikai becoming Emperor, Yuan Keding's feigned composure vanished completely. He nodded quickly. "Yes, yes."

"Then Your Highness can inform me when it is convenient, and I will help arrange it." The Japanese minister seized the opportunity to add fuel to the fire. This was not something the Japanese minister was inventing; the United States had never opposed China being an imperial state. In history, after careful selection, the relevant US departments finally sent Frank Johnson Goodnow to Yuan Shikai as a constitutional advisor in February 1913, under the name of the "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace." Goodnow was an American political scientist, former president of Johns Hopkins University, and a primary founder of the American Political Science Association. Yuan Shikai had Goodnow work in the Legislative House and serve as a constitutional advisor to the cabinet. He argued and compared the merits of monarchy and republicanism from the perspectives of history, politics, law, international relations, and national quality, clearly stating, "There is no doubt that if China adopts a monarchy, it would be better than a republic." "Returning from a republic to a monarchy only requires truly implementing a specific plan for a constitutional monarchy." At the time, they even drafted the *New Imperial Family Regulations*, which included typical constitutional monarchy laws such as: "Princes and Dukes may serve as army and navy officers but may not organize political parties or hold important political offices; the eunuch system is abolished forever; the system of selecting palace maids is abolished forever; the system of local tributes is abolished forever; and no relatives of the imperial family may engage in commerce or compete for profit with the common people."

As long as Yuan Shikai was willing to become Emperor, the Great Powers were truly prepared to support him.

Yuan Keding returned home in an extremely excited state. Over these days, he had held talks with the ministers of the major powers and received intelligence that they were willing to support Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang central government. This feeling was simply too good; the foreign devils, who were usually feared by the Chinese, were now showing moderate or even enthusiastic support. Yuan Keding felt that the previous diplomats had been a bunch of useless fools; something that could be so easily settled had been made into a life-and-death struggle. If he were in charge, many matters would have been resolved peacefully long ago.

Thus, when he learned at the door that his father, Yuan Shikai, wanted to see him immediately upon his return, Yuan Keding felt only slightly nervous. Normally, Yuan Shikai never gave him a kind look, mostly criticizing or shouting at him, and even severe beatings were not uncommon. But this time, having brought back such an important "diplomatic promise," Yuan Keding felt his backbone was much stiffer.

"What have you been doing these past few days?" Yuan Shikai asked coldly.

Normally, Yuan Keding would have already been searching for what mistake he had made to provoke such a fierce interrogation, and would be desperately trying to think of something that wouldn't lead to too harsh a punishment. Of course, the best way was to guess his father's thoughts and admit to whatever had angered him.

This time, Yuan Keding was not afraid. He replied composedly, "Father, recently the foreign ministers have been inviting me to drink."

Hearing such a boastful answer, Yuan Shikai's eyes widened.

Yuan Keding showed no sign of fear. He continued composedly, "Father, I absolutely did not say anything related to the government. I am very clear on such basic matters. Rest assured. I didn't mention a single word about it. They asked, too. I merely replied that I am at home every day and know nothing of such things."

Seeing Yuan Keding so composed, Yuan Shikai was in no hurry to explode. He adopted a slightly milder expression. "Is that all you talked about? I'm afraid that wouldn't take so much time."

"Father..." Yuan Keding was about to reveal the key point, but because of his excitement, he paused for a few seconds to steady his emotions. Yuan Shikai had one good trait: when punishing Yuan Keding, he at least didn't let anyone else stay nearby, sparing him some face. Since there was no one else around, Yuan Keding didn't bother lowering his voice. "Father, the various national ministers have all expressed their willingness to support you in becoming Emperor."

Yuan Keding thought these words would surprise and delight Yuan Shikai, and he searched his father's face for any sign of joy. But he was disappointed; not only was there no joy, there wasn't even a hint of surprise. Yuan Shikai asked calmly, "Is this the sort of thing you've been doing out there all these days?"

"How could I dare to talk about such things? It was just that after those ministers invited me over, they first asked about official business. Seeing me claim ignorance, they didn't press further. Instead, they turned the conversation to China's political system, and after that, they said they were willing to support you in becoming Emperor. I didn't even dare to tell them to talk to you directly; when they pressed me, I only said I understood. Father, you are the President; how could I dare to speak recklessly!" Yuan Keding replied with a note of grievance.