After three days of what felt like complete isolation from the world, Pang Zi's former arrogance had vanished entirely. When he emerged from the confinement cell, the intense glare of the sun forced him to squint his eyes for a long time.

To his surprise, it wasn't a bodyguard waiting for him at the door, but Wu Xingchen, Chai Qingguo, and the division's political commissar, Li Yong. The three stood there with half-smiles on their faces, which made Pang Zi feel quite embarrassed. After standing there awkwardly for a while, he finally spoke. "I've made a fool of myself, a fool of myself. Stop laughing at me, everyone."

"Haha, Old Third, so you know when you've made a fool of yourself," Chai Qingguo laughed loudly, though without much mirth.

"Comrade Pang Zi, Chairman Chen has entrusted us to talk with you. Let's start as soon as we get back," Wu Xingchen said, his voice equally devoid of laughter.

The message Wu Xingchen brought was simple: Pang Zi's understanding of "completing what was started" was incorrect. The People's Party revolution was a new beginning, not merely a simple continuation of the popular uprisings led by Jing Tingbin and Zhao Sanduo. In a different historical context, one could not simply equate the two under the singular goal of "overthrowing Yuan Shikai."

"I understand," Pang Zi replied after listening. After three days of confinement, he was truly subdued. Whether Chen Ke's words were right or not, he didn't dare resist the Organization's orders for the time being.

Wu Xingchen was a comrade who had undergone political reviews himself, and he had once felt what Pang Zi was feeling. "Comrade Pang Zi, don't feel too aggrieved. Did you suffer? Yes, you did. And you surely feel you've been wronged. But now, you must perform self-criticism. During those three days, did you figure out where you went wrong?"

"I just have to be obedient. I wasn't, so I deserved to be locked up," Pang Zi replied with a calm heart. His earlier agitation had been broken by the isolation, but his inner thoughts hadn't changed.

"Comrade Pang Zi, why did you join the revolution?" Wu Xingchen didn't get angry. Ideological work wasn't a matter of a few simple sentences; if some things weren't thought through by the person themselves, it simply wouldn't work.

"For revenge. Revenge for Uncle Jing, for Uncle Zhao, and for all those brothers in the Gengzi year. And for the brothers who followed me in Nangong County a few years ago—their revenge must be had. If I don't get this revenge, I won't even find peace in death."

"Then your target for revenge is incorrect. Yuan Shikai is not an individual; he represents a system. Those oppressors aren't just Yuan Shikai alone. The foreign devils, the exploiter class—this is a complex yet simple system of exploiters. You never liked the political classes before—who are our enemies, and who are our friends? You always thought it was nonsense. This time, I'll explain it to you personally. If I can't make you understand, I'll ask the commissar to explain it. If you still don't understand, I'll ask Chairman Chen. And if you still don't get it, I'll have to suspend you." Wu Xingchen adopted a posture of long-term education.

"Old Third, back in Beijing, you never liked listening to advice. You wouldn't listen to a word Chairman Chen said. You had nowhere else to go, so you eventually came here to join the revolution. Since you've joined, you must understand *why* we are having a revolution," Chai Qingguo said even more bluntly.

Pang Zi looked at Chai Qingguo. As far as he knew, Chai's relationship with Chen Ke hadn't always been good. But Chai had one virtue: if he had a problem, he'd say it to your face, but once he joined the ranks, he never left. That's why Chai was about to be promoted to Army Commander.

Seeing his old brothers were determined to give him a lesson, Pang Zi knew he couldn't avoid it. He didn't want to avoid it anymore either; if they had to talk, they might as well talk it through.

Chen Ke had learned from Chairman Mao that "class struggle, once grasped, works wonders." Once a problem was discussed in terms of its deepest conflicts of interest, there was nothing that couldn't be explained clearly. The biggest difference between the People's Party and other political forces in China was that the Party stood with the laborers and the masses, so it dared to boldly reveal the deepest contradictions of class conflict.

In this conversation, they didn't just talk about the oppressive forces represented by Yuan Shikai and the foreign devils. More importantly, Wu Xingchen and Chai Qingguo discussed the position Pang Zi and others had held in the popular uprisings.

The interests in this world are complex. According to class analysis, the uprising Wu, Chai, and Pang had participated in was a struggle between the rural property owners of China and the property owners brought about by industrialization. Whether it was the foreign devils or Beiyang, they were either industrialization-spawned property owners or the lackeys of foreign devils. On the issue of "anti-foreign taxes," these two groups of property owners had engaged in a fierce struggle.

The weight of the confinement cell was still there, so Pang Zi's emotions remained calm. "Big Brother Wu, those words lack a conscience. Uncle Jing was absolutely not someone who oppressed the people. According to you, he was the same as the local bullies and evil gentry who plague their areas. Yes, Uncle Jing was a martial arts laureate (Wujuren), but he normally upheld justice in the countryside. He had nothing in common with those bullies."

"Uncle Jing was a good man; we brothers all know that. But what he maintained was the order of the old era. Put it this way: once land reform begins, the order of that old era must be completely shattered. We must analyze Uncle Jing from two perspectives. His standing up against injustice is one thing; his maintenance of the old order is another. We brothers naturally support his actions in seeking justice for the bullied commoners, but we must also clearly analyze that he represented the interests of the old-era gentry."

Confinement was painful, but having oneself analyzed like this was also quite painful. Pang Zi normally didn't like to participate in the People's Party's political classes; he felt they were the talk of scholars and had nothing to do with him. Now, forced to participate honestly, he felt that, by comparison, staying in the cell might have been a better choice.

Seeing Pang Zi look more and more listless, Wu Xingchen advised, "Comrade Pang Zi, we must clearly recognize our Party's class stance. The resistance I felt during my political review was likely much stronger than yours. But once you truly understand your class position, many things resolve themselves. Many thoughts can be thought through and straightened out."

"No matter what you say, I must have this revenge," Pang Zi simply threw out his bottom line.

"No one is telling you not to have revenge. But I have one question for you now: do you prioritize revenge, or do you prioritize the work? Comrade Pang Zi, if you feel you are a member of the People's Party and a cadre of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army, you must prioritize the work. If you consider yourself an ordinary person, that is fine. Hand over your duties, tell the Organization you can't go on, request to leave the Party, and then you can do whatever you want."

"Brother, I say it again: I'm willing to sell my life for the Party. I'm not afraid of life and death. But the Party should at least look out for me a bit. I have only this one request."

"That's nonsense. The Party's goal is to overthrow all exploiter classes, including Yuan Shikai and the foreign devils. This isn't about getting revenge for any individual; it's about securing interests and creating a tomorrow for the laboring masses. The Party pursues the interests of all China, not your momentary satisfaction. Brother, you must not get this wrong."

"What did I get wrong? Now Yuan Shikai's son is sending assassins to kill Chairman Chen. If they succeed, Yuan Shikai will surely benefit. But what was discussed in the Party Committee meeting? Yuan Shikai actually became the 'victim.' He's the one who's aggrieved!" Pang Zi finally showed some spark.

"Old Third, can a single Beiyang division currently defeat one of your divisions?" Chai Qingguo laughed.

"Absolutely not," Pang Zi replied resolutely.

"Then if all the units of our Shandong Military District were to attack Beiyang now, could the four new divisions they have in Beijing win?"

"Of course not." Pang Zi was extremely confident in this.

"Then what else is there to say? Yuan Shikai isn't stupid; he's very clear on this. Whether an assassination can succeed is one thing, but once we find out he instigated it, does he have any way left to live? I know very well you want to kill him. I want to kill him too, but that must be during the revolutionary war, not now when we're being sabotaged from behind. Our Party cannot participate in this meaningless civil war. To vent one's anger, for personal gain, to trigger a civil war—that's wrong. Now we must find and eliminate the true enemy. The time for a full-scale war of liberation is not yet ripe."

Faced with Chai's strategic analysis, Pang Zi knew he couldn't win the argument. "I... I just thought there was an opportunity now! Even if I thought wrong about this, that's no reason to lock me up."

"Who said you were locked up because of that? You shouted and argued at the meeting—did anyone say anything to you then?" Wu Xingchen shouted. " I put you in confinement because your 'bandit mindset' is too severe. The reason you joined the revolution was likely just for revenge. But the revolution itself is not about revenge; it's about looking forward, about fighting for a tomorrow and creating a future for the common people. It's not about clinging to the past and refusing to let go, Comrade Pang Zi."

"I... how can I let go?! So many lives—how can I let go?" Pang Zi said angrily.

"You have to admit that you failed! You have to admit we all failed back then! Uncle Jing, Uncle Zhao, and so many brothers—our methods were wrong. The goal we pursued was also incorrect. You, Pang Zi, are a heroic warrior and a good fighter. But if you cannot admit this, if you cannot understand the essence of the people's revolution, then you are not a qualified revolutionary soldier."

"And what if I can't recognize it? Big Brother Wu, will you remove me?!" Pang Zi's "blood" was stirred by these words.

"As your Big Brother Wu, I won't remove you. But as the Military District Commander, if you can't recognize this, I *must* remove you. Your job is to fight; your goal is the liberation of China and the people, not for you to accumulate merit just to seek revenge. If you don't recognize this, I must remove you. If you feel you've been wronged, I'll say it plainly: you *must* endure that wrong. Because if you were a true revolutionary soldier, you wouldn't feel this was a wrong."

Under such criticism, Pang Zi indeed felt extremely aggrieved. He had worked so hard for so long, participated in so many life-and-death battles, only to have this as the result. He had thought that even if Wu Xingchen spoke like this and the division commissar didn't support him, at least Chai Qingguo would. But he waited for a long time, and Chai didn't say a word. Looking at his face, Chai actually seemed to agree with Wu.

Given his personality, Pang Zi would normally have compromised in such a situation. But he thought about it over and over—he shouldn't compromise to this extent! Truly, serving the People's Party didn't mean a share of the spoils or high office and wealth; all of the Party's goals were for the interests of the masses who had nothing to do with him. What maintained his loyalty were the constant victories and the psychological pillar of being able to seek revenge.

By now, he understood that the point of conflict with Wu Xingchen wasn't actually about revenge. Wu was demanding that Pang Zi truly fight for the people. But Pang Zi knew his own heart; "fighting for brothers" or "fighting for Big Brother Wu's future," he had that loyalty. But the thought of "fighting for the commoners currently alive" simply wasn't in his mind.

Wu Xingchen naturally understood Pang Zi's thoughts. He was satisfied that Pang Zi remained silent instead of using a few lies to appease him.

It wasn't that Pang Zi hadn't thought of saying some empty words like "maintaining the local order" or "doing good for the fellow villagers"—he could speak those very smoothly. But he didn't dare say them to Wu or Chai. These two brothers were extremely serious and extremely clever; such lies wouldn't fool them.

After a long while, Pang Zi finally spoke. "Comrade Wu Xingchen, I will never mention revenge again. Wherever the Party points, I will strike. As for fighting for the people's tomorrow and all that... if you want me to boast about it now, I can. But I don't want to boast; just let me think about it slowly, alright?"

Hearing this, Wu Xingchen gave a heavy nod. "Alright, I'll consider you've passed for now. From now on, you won't miss a single political class. Not a single required reflection paper can be skipped. You're telling the truth now; you must keep telling the truth in the future. If you can't think it through, then you can't think it through, but you must not fabricate things. Be as upright and honorable as you are now. As a revolutionary soldier, you must be even more so. Now, go handle the work that's accumulated over the past few days, and then go talk with the commissar."

After finally settling Pang Zi's matter and seeing him leave with the commissar, Wu Xingchen let out a long sigh. If Pang Zi truly hadn't been honest at the end, Wu really wouldn't have known how to report it to Chen Ke. It was too hard to deceive Chen Ke. More importantly, Wu had no intention of doing so.

"Commander Wu, is it alright to report it like this?" Chai Qingguo asked with some concern.

"Reporting like this will definitely work. Comrade Pang Zi hasn't cleared the ideological hurdle for now, but that's not a problem. We never expected him to clear it immediately."

"But..." Chai was still worried.

"Comrade Chai Qingguo, don't worry. Even if the hurdle isn't cleared, as long as he can obey the Organization's orders, he can still do the work. However, there is a premise: Pang Zi must absolutely not lie to me. If he hasn't cleared the hurdle, I can still educate him. But if he's a liar, how can I educate him? Revolution isn't about being able to shout a few slogans and thus becoming a revolutionary soldier. On the contrary, the revolution needs soldiers who tell the truth. Even if he is imperfect, we can arrange his work accordingly. But if he lies, how can I arrange anything for him?"

"But what if he never clears the hurdle?" Chai finally spoke his real fear.

"Whether he clears it depends on what he thinks in his heart, not what he says. Saying lies would actually prevent him from ever clearing it. This isn't a child's game."

Since Wu Xingchen put it that way, Chai asked, "Should I go and advise him?"

"You must absolutely not. If you do, even if he didn't intend to take the easy way out, you'll put the idea in his head. Comrade Chai, that is an irresponsible way to treat a comrade. Stance is something you can't hide. One can say whatever they like, but as soon as work begins, everyone sees it clearly. A stance is ultimately reflected in the pursuit of interests. I say again: Pang Zi hasn't thought it through; he's still a soldier who hasn't thought it through. If he starts lying, he'll be a liar. we can accommodate a soldier who hasn't thought things through, but we cannot accommodate a liar."

Chai nodded repeatedly. "Big Brother Wu, you are truly considering Pang Zi's best interests."

"To truly consider his interests, we must never let him lie. Now that the cadre school is opening, ideological and political work will be strictly enforced. Look at what happens to those who lie. Political review work is no joke." Having gone through a review, Wu Xingchen didn't underestimate the comrades responsible for it.

"I understand," Chai nodded.

***

While Wu Xingchen was performing ideological work on Pang Zi, Chen Ke was doing the same with Yan Fu. The "elderly handsome man" Yan Fu truly didn't want to go to Beijing to be a suffering Premier. But Chen Ke couldn't find a more suitable candidate. For the sake of the revolutionary work, Yan Fu had to do some things he was reluctant to do.

"Mr. Yan, if anyone else went, they might not even be able to talk to the Beiyang clique. If you go, you can at least cooperate with the Party's work on many matters."

"I feel the work at the Naval Academy is going quite well," Yan Fu was unmoved.

"But right now, we must first avoid a civil war. Once a civil war begins, it only allows those with ulterior motives to profit. We have an obligation to protect China's interests."

"Chairman Chen, from this incident, it seems a civil war won't break out," Yan Fu continued to demur. "I'm not good at being an official, let alone being one in a situation where I'm surrounded by enemies on all sides."

"Mr. Yan, you've read the 'Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society.' How does it define friend and foe?" Chen Ke asked.

That article was a comprehensive copy of Chairman Mao's work. After reading it, Yan Fu felt it was very thorough, and he had considered the deeper points. "Is Chairman Chen so wary of imperialist intervention?"

"To liberate China, we must overthrow the Three Great Mountains, and imperialism is the first. From the position of Premier, you will always be able to see clearly who in the Beiyang clique has become a lackey of imperialism. Until the revolutionary situation develops to the stage of an all-out war of liberation, we can temporarily tolerate the existence of the Beiyang government. But we absolutely will not allow Beiyang to become a lackey of imperialism. If that happens, then the war of liberation must begin. Inside the cabinet is exactly the best place to see the attitude of the Beiyang government. If we only collect intelligence from the outside, the possibility of misleading information is great."

Chen Ke was determined to persuade him, and Yan Fu was determined to refuse. Eventually, the situation reached a stalemate. Finally, Chen Ke had to tell the truth. "Mr. Yan, a war in Europe has become inevitable. When it happens, choosing which side to align with as allies will be very important. Having you as Premier in the Beiyang cabinet will be very effective in determining the direction of the situation."

"When will the war in Europe begin?" Yan Fu was extremely interested in this.

"I'm not certain, but if you serve one term in the cabinet, you will surely see it within four years," Chen Ke said with confidence. "And setting aside the European war, we must not let a civil war break out in China. After you take the Premiership, Yuan Shikai will surely believe we have the sincerity to avoid civil war. He will certainly find out what his son has done; at that point, if we just say there won't be any misunderstandings, will he believe us?"

Yan Fu had actually already considered many things about serving as Premier and understood his own importance well enough. He just wasn't willing to be placed on the hot seat. Seeing Chen Ke's attitude was so firm, he finally had to choose to accept.

"I am fifty-seven this year. I'll do four years as Premier and then come back. By then, I won't be able to serve as the Naval Academy Principal anymore," Yan Fu said with regret.

"Rest assured. Whether you can still work or not, you will always be the founder and first Principal of the People's Naval Academy. A bronze statue of you will be erected at the academy's entrance," Chen Ke solemnly promised.