Chen Ke knew one thing deeply: if he hadn't been born in New China, it would have been impossible for him to receive a comprehensive social and political education from a young age. Since political education classes began in junior high school, everything taught in those classes was the truth. For example, regarding banks.

The People's Bank of China executes monetary policy and is responsible for issuing currency; it is not a commercial bank. The Agricultural Bank, Construction Bank, and Industrial and Commercial Bank are responsible for deposits and loans. If he hadn't been forced to memorize these things as a child, Chen Ke would not have been able to gradually build a vital understanding of currency later on the internet. For instance, the Renminbi (RMB) is a type of fiat currency.

In 1911, the currency in the base area was quite unique. The RMB was an extremely rare "fiat currency" in the world at that time, while other currencies of the same period all had "collateral." These currencies were basically pegged to gold. Holding the currency allowed one to go to a bank and exchange it for gold. Major powers like Britain, France, Germany, and the United States all adopted the gold standard.

Since the banks in the base area were complete copies of the banks in New China, it was naturally impossible for them to issue this kind of gold-standard currency. Thus, Chen Ke finally began to understand why the Party historically attached such great importance to cooperatives. The banks and cooperatives in the base area, by distorting supply and demand and only using RMB for transactions, forced the people to use the RMB. For example, the use of gold, silver, and copper coins in transactions had been largely eliminated within the base area.

The RMB in the base area actually copied the Party's policy of grain collateral. The People's Party did not allow private individuals to engage in the grain trade; all grain stores were state-owned. In the state-owned grain stores, the price of grain was pinned down. Whether it was a year of famine or a year of abundance, it remained unchanged across the board. Since state-run grain stores only accepted RMB and absolutely did not accept other currencies or gold and silver for transactions, the credit of the RMB was established in this way.

This didn't matter much internally, but an issue arose externally. Various countries had strong doubts about the value of the RMB. Holding RMB only allowed one to purchase goods and grain; as a foreigner, one couldn't even directly purchase grain with RMB. This was because they lacked a household registration book. The only feasible use was using RMB to eat at restaurants.

Chen Ke's concepts came entirely from political textbooks: "Currency is a universal equivalent." The problem was that in international trade, there was no obligation for foreign countries to unconditionally accept Chen Ke's concepts. Without real gold and silver, or a currency that could be directly exchanged for them, people simply wouldn't trust you.

"This is exactly why we have no choice but to use the services of foreign banks," the base area's newly appointed Minister of Finance, Qin Wu'an, said slowly. Qin Wu'an was also an "old revolutionary" who had previously worked in the logistics department; he was a man of few words, but he never shrunk back or avoided speaking when it was necessary.

The comrades attending the meeting were all cadres of the Ministry of Finance, and they were all too clear on these basic theories, so there was no need for Qin Wu'an to specifically emphasize them. Foreigners certainly wouldn't accept a paper currency that only circulated in parts of China. Although everyone felt it was a pity, they didn't find it difficult to understand. Conversely, the foreign currency earned was all thanks to the hard labor of the people in the base area. After thinking this through, everyone lost the idea of hoarding currency.

Having finished with the financial issues, Qin Wu'an turned to practical matters. "The Central Committee wants to establish a primary processing plant for coconuts in Guangdong."

"Why not build it in the base area?" someone immediately asked. Since everything was the result of labor, the cadres in the base area only feared a lack of employment opportunities.

Foreign trade and the internal economic operation of the base area were two different things. Chen Ke had repeatedly emphasized Marx's "perilous leap"—the quote that "the process from money to product, and from product back to money, which is the process of capital appreciation, is a perilous leap." If goods are produced but cannot be sold, then the producer is finished.

Everyone in the base area had land to farm, which was thanks to the land reform. And everyone having a job was due to the domestic market caused by the absolute social deprivation of current China; in foreign trade, the People's Party assumed all the risks of this "perilous leap." Since the Central Committee had decided to start the coconut processing industry, the economic cadres instinctively believed the industry should be located in the base area to increase employment.

"The Central Committee wants to set up this industry in Guangzhou, firstly because Guangzhou is very close to the Philippines, meaning low transportation costs. Additionally, we want to establish a strategic layout in Guangzhou," Qin Wu'an explained.

"Regarding the layout, will the Guangdong local government agree?"

"What about security?"

The comrades raised their opinions one after another.

"We will send troops to protect the industries in this layout," Qin Wu'an continued to explain.

"The Guangdong government will agree to let us station troops in Guangzhou?" The comrades were even more surprised.

Qin Wu'an replied in a light tone, "If they refuse to let us send troops, it means the Guangdong government is a counter-revolutionary government, and it will be necessary for us to liberate the entire Guangdong province right now."

This answer pushed the reasoning to its limit. The Finance Ministry comrades stopped pestering about security issues and shifted the topic back to the initial factory setup.

"If we process 100 million coconuts every year..." Qin Wu'an had just started when he saw the comrades' eyes widen in shock. He had to explain further, "The Central Committee's intention is to scale this up to one billion. For the initial phase, I'll start with 100 million."

No one spoke anymore; solid figures like these were enough to explain everything. The comrades quietly listened as Qin Wu'an continued his introduction.

"If one worker can perform primary processing on 50 coconuts a day, 100 million coconuts would require two million man-days." Qin Wu'an had already been surprised himself and could now maintain full composure. "The meat, shell, juice, and fiber from these initially processed products are all primary industrial goods. Part of these primary industrial goods will be sent back to the base area for deep processing, while another part will continue to be processed in Guangzhou. So overall, a large integrated processing plant with over 40,000 people is needed in Guangzhou."

"That's equivalent to building a new large city! Among our many county seats, none of them even has 40,000 people. I think we should still put this industry in the base area," said Lv Zhengtao, who was responsible for agricultural product processing. "Instead of going through all this trouble, it would be better to just liberate Guangdong and be done with it."

"Guangdong will definitely be liberated in the future, but if we force our way in now, that's not liberation—at most, it's conquest. The Central Committee believes we cannot do it that way," Qin Wu'an explained.

Fighting wars was not the business of the Finance Ministry, so Lv Zhengtao was just speaking casually. "Then is the industrial layout just this one thing—opening a factory in Guangzhou?"

"Such a large factory is equivalent to building a new city. The factory equipment needs power, all these people need to eat and drink, and tap water must be provided. This will likely require rebuilding the entire city of Guangzhou. In this process, on one hand, we enter the countryside to mobilize the masses, and on the other, we struggle against the various conservative forces in Guangdong. The final armed struggle is a matter for the Central Committee to decide."

Many of the Finance Ministry comrades also came from a military background, so they were naturally no strangers to military struggle. However, this method of struggle was quite novel. Someone was about to speak, but seeing Qin Wu'an continue, they temporarily swallowed their words.

"As for the comprehensive layout, Guangdong lacks coal. In the early stages, it's impossible for us to have so much power to build a 'New Guangdong,' so coal must be transported from the Annam coal mines to Guangdong. Thus, the coconuts come from the Philippines, and the coal comes from Annam. The equipment and organizational personnel come from our base area. Within this layout, our Finance Ministry needs to provide financial support. At the very least, this budget must be drawn up."

No one responded this time. It involved both international and domestic aspects, including multiple departments in the base area; it indeed required a massive budget. Qin Wu'an's understated words depicted a complex yet clear situation. After a long while, Lv Zhengtao asked, "This is clearly a vision proposed by Chairman Chen, isn't it?"

"The Central Committee has finally decided to pass this plan." Qin Wu'an knew that Chen Ke didn't want his name pushed to the forefront of everything. Doing so was fine in the past, but now that the People's Party had grown to its current scale, what needed to be highlighted was the leadership of the Party Central Committee.

"Are coconuts really that good?" Lv Zhengtao continued to ask.

"Whether coconuts are good or not, the deep processing is completed in the base area. You'll see it when the time comes." Qin Wu'an gave an answer that wasn't quite an answer.

"Will this be that easy? Setting aside the difficulty of recruiting 40,000 workers, managing so many people is even more difficult. I still feel it's more appropriate to put this industry in our base area." Lv Zhengtao was responsible for agricultural product processing and had a deep sense of the organizational difficulties of labor-intensive enterprises. The People's Party's largest factory had only just over a thousand people; for this enterprise far away in Guangdong to need 40,000 people, he felt it was unreliable no matter what.

Qin Wu'an was about to continue persuading them when he heard Wang Fengshan, who was in charge of statistics, laugh. "Since the Central Committee has decided, more detailed steps will definitely be told to us later. However, I've never seen what a coconut is. Minister Qin, you have to get a few for me to taste!"

Hearing this, the meeting room erupted into a burst of loud laughter. Amidst the laughter, Qin Wu'an replied calmly, "There are some outside. I'll bring them in for everyone to eat right now."

The United States is a country built on a foundation of complete individualism, and the American Minister to China reflected the American national character in this regard. More accurately, he brimmed with the style of the American ruling class. He had originally thought about taking a cut of the commission from this deal, but after thinking it over, he felt that doing so was truly inappropriate. Such a lazy attitude would be an insult to his ancestors' hard work in the slave trade and a disgrace to his family's ferocity in killing and burning in the West.

The Minister put aside the matter of the Bank of Boston and instead sent a telegram for family members to rush to the Philippines as quickly as possible on the family's fast ships. At the same time, he utilized his authority to make the Philippine bureaucratic system display unprecedented efficiency, registering an American trading company within two days. Within ten days, the first ship of coconuts was delivered to the base area.

Coconuts were too cheap in the Philippines—cheap to the point that they could be picked up for free. What this company needed was to send ships to cruise among the Philippine islands, direct people to load the coconuts onto the ships, and then move to the next island. All the Minister's company needed was to collect the labor for moving them. Wang Bin was not polite either; he directly invested in this company. After the two sides finalized a contract for purchasing ships, Wang Bin bargained with the Minister and finally set the coconut price at 120 coconuts per dollar. As for labor, the People's Party guaranteed to provide the Minister with manpower; at the very least, the base area could immediately send out hands to move coconuts. The combination of "American style" and "base area speed" created a minor miracle in commercial behavior in 1911.

The Finance Ministry comrades were all eating this fruit for the first time. Huge coconuts were placed on the table, and even the well-traveled comrades were startled.

"How do you eat such a big thing?" Wang Fengshan asked in surprise.

Qin Wu'an placed a wrapped cloth bundle on the conference table. Pulling back the cloth, a pile of small knives and reed stalks were revealed. "Carve a hole on top, stick the reed stalk in, and suck out the juice inside first."

The comrades picked up the knives, each using their own methods to carve holes and insert the reed stalks to take a sip of the juice. Except for Wang Fengshan, who spat out the coconut water he had sucked in, the other comrades seemed to enjoy it.

Qin Wu'an leaned in to sniff it and laughed, "This coconut is spoiled. I'll get you another one."

While loudly lamenting his bad luck, Wang Fengshan didn't hold a grudge. He opened a hole in the newly brought coconut, took a cautious sip, and a sweet, clear juice entered his mouth through the reed stalk, refreshing his spirit.

Amidst a wave of praise, everyone finished the coconut water. Qin Wu'an had the comrades cut the coconuts open, and the snow-white coconut meat, emitting a fragrant aroma, appeared before their eyes.

"The coconut meat can also be eaten," Qin Wu'an introduced, only to find that his words might be redundant; even as he spoke, someone had already started using a knife to cut off pieces of coconut meat and put them into their mouths.

"Not only can the juice be drunk and the meat be eaten, but coconut oil can also be extracted from the meat, and coconut wine can be brewed from it." Qin Wu'an took out two bottles, one filled with clear coconut oil and one with coconut wine.

He also took out several brushes with different lengths of brown fibers. "The fibers inside the coconut shell can be used to make brushes. The coconut shells can be burned for charcoal or used to make buttons. In short, the utilization rate is extremely high."

Wang Fengshan satisfactorily ate a large piece of coconut meat and asked with a puzzled look, "Why would the Americans be willing to hand over such a good thing to us?"

"By handing it to us, the Americans we cooperate with can obtain the greatest personal benefits. Moreover, in Asia, there's a lack of processing capacity and organized labor like ours in the base area; many raw materials simply cannot be utilized. We know how to process them, but on a small scale, it simply doesn't make money. On a large scale, people can't afford the investment. To forge iron, one must be strong themselves. If one cannot be like us, where a single investment can put millions of dollars to use, then as good as coconuts are, not just anyone can get the job done." Qin Wu'an gave the answer.

While Qin Wu'an was talking with the comrades about the relationship between investment, labor organization, input of production means, and large-scale raw materials, the American Minister and Wang Bin sat together and lit Manila cigars.

After being busy for nearly a month, the matter of the Bank of Boston had also been delayed for nearly a month, but the American Minister clearly looked to be in a pleasant mood. The matter of the Bank of Boston was a long-term and arduous negotiation task, but the money earned by his own family was cash in hand. The People's Party was generous and had very clear commercial ideas. For example, after taking a stake in the new company, they were very quick to pay for a dozen coconut transport ships. The coconut industry required large investments and was slow to see results; if the price of a single coconut was set too high, no one would buy it, and if it was too low, it wouldn't make money. Only through scale could benefits be achieved.

Exhaling a puff of smoke, the Minister laughed, "I've always heard that Mr. Wang is proficient in business. This cooperation has shown that your reputation is indeed well-deserved."

"Everyone can do business, but not everyone has the opportunity to cooperate with you, Minister," Wang Bin also laughed.

This straightforward statement satisfied the Minister, and he began to give Wang Bin a lesson. "The First National Bank of Boston was founded in 1859. After merging with the Massachusetts Bank in 1903, it still retained the name First National Bank of Boston..."

Wang Bin listened with a smile while recalling the People's Party's investigation results. The Boston Financial Group was one of the oldest monopoly financial groups in the United States. It was formed by the merger of the Lowell, Lawrence, Adams, and Lodge families, who became wealthy through the slave trade in the 19th century, with the rising Kennedy family. At that time, these families invested the huge sums of capital accumulated from overseas colonial plunder into commercial banks, insurance businesses, and investment companies, relying on these financial institutions to provide funds for textile, tanning, shoemaking, clothing, food, and chemical light industries. Due to the rapid development of light industry, by the early 20th century, these few Boston families, who intermarried across generations, had formed the Boston Financial Group with the First National Bank of Boston as its core. The American Minister was a member of the Boston group, which could be seen from his surname, Lawrence.

The problem was that the Boston group's strength in industrial and mining enterprises was inferior to that of the large Eastern financial groups; the industries it controlled were originally mainly light industries. The People's Party had always cooperated with American heavy industry groups, such as Morgan and Rockefeller. Cooperating with the Boston group would not only be of no help to the People's Party's heavy industry development but would be more likely to trigger dissatisfaction from the heavy industry groups. That would be more loss than gain.

However, the People's Party was also unwilling to truly offend the Boston Financial Group, as they were currently one of the largest buyers of the People's Party's raw silk. This was also why the American Minister dared to so bluntly demand cooperation.

"Financial cooperation is a partnership that requires long-term testing; there's no need to rush it. However, we are interested in purchasing textile equipment, which should interest you, Minister," Wang Bin laughed. Just as Wang Bin expected, the Minister immediately changed direction, pushing the matter of cooperation with the Bank of Boston aside once again.

Wang Bin could temporarily use cooperation to stall the Boston group, but when a representative of the Morgan group—the true heavy hitter in their cooperation—appeared before him and demanded that Wang Bin cooperate with JPMorgan Bank in finance, Wang Bin finally became serious.

The People's Party's heavy industry to date, whether in steel or synthetic ammonia, had been in cooperation with the Morgan group. This group's style was crude and cold, though it didn't quite match the Rockefeller group's feats of sending liberated Black people into mines to work to death or using cannons and machine guns to sweep across "coal-blackies." Even though those groups of coal miners averaged 2.4 guns per person, they were still left in heaps of corpses by the Rockefeller group's private soldiers.

Nevertheless, Wang Bin still disliked the Morgan group's attitude; Morgan was too fond of participating in the financial industry. As long as there was the slightest opportunity, they wouldn't let it go.

However, Wang Bin still warmly received the Morgan group's representative. Because on this matter, Chen Ke's stance was very firm: "For China's interests, we will even deal with the devil. Since we have to deal with devils, why not choose the strongest one?"