Nanchang, Jiangxi. November 15, 1912, afternoon.

There was a knock at the gate of Zhang Xun’s residence. The gatekeeper opened the door to find several men in gray uniforms standing outside with cold expressions. The leader flashed an ID card. "We are from the People's Internal Affairs Committee. Is Zhang Xun at home?"

The old gatekeeper was frightened immediately. The People's Internal Affairs Committee had a "resounding reputation" in Jiangxi. Nine out of ten people taken away by them were sent to various judicial institutions, ending up with either a prison term or a death sentence after trial. If there was anything relatively humane about the People's Internal Affairs Committee, it was that at least there were no cases of people disappearing without a trace or dying without a body being found after being taken in.

"My master is not in," the old gatekeeper stammered.

The staff member from the People's Party Internal Affairs Committee took out a document stamped with a red seal. "Regardless of whether Zhang Xun is here or not, this is a search warrant. We are going in to search now."

Whether the old gatekeeper could read it or not, the staff member pushed him aside and rushed into the courtyard of Zhang Xun's house. Seeing that he couldn't stop them at all, the old gatekeeper hugged the waist of the staff member closest to him and shouted loudly, "My master is not in! You cannot go in!"

The staff member didn't use violence. He said seriously to the old gatekeeper, "Old man, obstructing official duties can result in a three-year prison sentence. If you let go now, I'll pretend this never happened. What do you think?"

Hearing this, the old gatekeeper hesitated and let go. But he still tried to block the staff from the People's Internal Affairs Committee. "My master is not at home. Please come back later."

Just then, the door of the main hall opened with a sound. Zhang Xun appeared on the steps of the main hall with a look of arrogance and a hint of anger. Looking down at the staff of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, Zhang Xun said coldly, "Pushing and shoving an old man, what kind of behavior is that?"

The staff of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, like other departments of the People's Party, had received training for various situations. Zhang Xun's level of bluster was simply child's play. A staff member took a step forward and said, "Zhang Xun, we have received a report regarding your participation in a rebellion. Please come with us to assist in the investigation."

"Who made this false accusation behind my back?" Zhang Xun asked, feigning righteousness.

"Whether you participated in a counter-revolutionary rebellion will be known after the investigation. This is an arrest warrant. Please come with us," the staff member showed the arrest warrant to Zhang Xun.

Zhang Xun took the arrest warrant with a look of clear conscience and began to read it. Just then, a shout came from the backyard, "Freeze! Don't move!" A moment later, gunshots rang out in the backyard.

While the staff of the People's Internal Affairs Committee spoke with seriousness yet courtesy, at the moment the situation changed, one of them leapt up like a cat pouncing on a mouse, controlling Zhang Xun and the gatekeeper in the blink of an eye. One comrade drew his pistol and pointed it at Zhang Xun and the gatekeeper, while the other two comrades drew their pistols and covered each other as they rushed into Zhang Xun’s main hall. There was no one in the main hall, so the two comrades covered each other as they passed through the hall and rushed towards the backyard.

Three shots rang out in succession from the backyard. When the two comrades arrived at the backyard entrance, they saw two men on the ground clutching their legs where they had been shot, wailing. Four comrades from the People's Internal Affairs Committee were pointing their pistols at these two men. Women's screams came from the tightly closed rear residence.

"Take them all away!" the leading cadre ordered.

Not only Zhang Xun, but those old upper-class figures who had formed parties in Jiangxi were arrested or taken away for investigation without exception. Their families were also informed that they were forbidden to leave the city. He Zudao, as the Party Secretary of the highest authority in Jiangxi, the "Jiangxi Military Management Committee," was personally responsible for this matter.

"Send all these people to the concentration camp in Anyi for unified management. From now on, no matter who causes trouble—whether they do it themselves or their families besiege local governments demanding an explanation—arrest them all and send them to the concentration camp." He Zudao rarely issued such cold and ruthless orders, so when this young man, who usually wore a gentle smile, hardened his face, the comrades felt considerable pressure.

No one discussed whether these people were innocent or guilty. At the mobilization meeting prior to this, He Zudao conveyed Chen Ke's order: "Due to the immense pressure of the current situation, in order to maximize savings on administrative costs and improve social management efficiency, anyone who has opposed the land reform policy—whether verbally, through passive resistance, or by playing petty tricks—should be sent to the concentration camp without consideration for their individual rights."

He Zudao's mobilization meeting was also simple. "Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? We classify them based on their attitude towards the basic land policy of the base area. Do not think that our current approach is cruel. Putting them in concentration camps is precisely the greatest humanitarianism. If the situation continues to become tense, our tolerance level will also drop significantly. At that time, if this group of people speaks nonsense outside and acts rashly without knowing the severity of the situation, the treatment won't be a concentration camp, but very likely execution for the crime of active counter-revolution."

Jiangxi also carried out a rectification movement. Comrades who believed the land reform policy was "too radical" were now undergoing profound study at the Party School. Comrades working on the front lines shared a common attitude: anyone who opposed land reform was an enemy of the People's Party. The mobilization meeting went quite smoothly.

"This operation basically had no slip-ups, and we also found a lot of evidence of collusion with Beiyang secret envoys. For example, Zhang Xun. Yuan Shikai invited Zhang Xun to Beijing to take up a military post, and we even seized the appointment letter from the secret envoy. How should we deal with Zhang Xun?" Gong Guohua, Director of the Jiangxi People's Internal Affairs Committee, asked He Zudao.

He Zudao replied, "For all such people, ask them first if they are willing to go to Beiyang to take up their posts. If they are willing, we shouldn't make things difficult for them. Send them off openly and aboveboard. If they refuse to go, send them to the concentration camp."

"Isn't that letting them off too easily? They've done so many things; killing them wouldn't be unjust," Gong Guohua said with some regret.

He Zudao laughed, "If they stay in the concentration camp, we won't mistreat them and will try to ensure their safety. If they defect to Beiyang, they might face more possibilities of death. Whether it's letting them off cheap depends on how these people judge it."

Before being sent to the concentration camp, the People's Internal Affairs Committee had to screen these arrested fellows. Having been caught with the Beiyang secret envoy, Zhang Xun had no illusions about his future. Since losing power to Wang Youhong in 1910, Zhang Xun had been a nominal Governor of Zhejiang for a while. After the fall of the Manchu Qing, Zhang Xun returned to his hometown in Jiangxi with a mood of fighting to the death, attempting to oppose the People's Party by forming a political party. Like other forces that tried to oppose the People's Party, Zhang Xun's efforts failed completely.

The formation of political parties by Jiangxi gentry had once become a trend, but a trend is ultimately just a trend. Organizing a political party isn't like hosting a tea party; it's not simply gathering a bunch of disgruntled or ambitious guys for a chat and calling it a political party. A political party first represents a kind of political and economic demand. The political attitude of this group, dominated by gentry landlords, was entirely opposed to the various systems implemented by the People's Party. Apart from not daring to use direct violence, these people adopted every means available. Petitions, demonstrations, inciting the masses, or hiring people to make scenes at the People's Party military government offices—in short, they wanted to cause as much trouble as possible for the People's Party.

By 1912, these actions gradually disappeared, not because the gentry were moved by the People's Party's restraint in handling these matters, but because the people of Jiangxi supported the People's Party. The gentry had to pay for every such action, and facing the reality of zero progress, they felt that continuing to do so was not worth the cost.

The gentry temporarily shrank back, but the People's Party launched a fierce, large-scale arrest and detention operation. As Zhang Xun passed through the streets after his arrest, he heard gunshots from many places in Nanchang city, which was usually orderly. Zhang Xun was certain that the People's Party was not just arresting him alone, but was launching a large-scale arrest campaign in other places simultaneously.

Zhang Xun hadn't contacted anyone from Beiyang for a long time. The secret envoy suddenly brought Yuan Shikai's oral message, hinting that Beiyang was recently uniting with southern provinces to "pressure" the People's Party, hoping Zhang Xun would come out of retirement and take up a military post in the Beiyang New Army. Even if Zhang Xun were obtuse, he understood that this was the prelude to war. And the People's Party's implementation of large-scale arrests at this critical moment showed they were also preparing for war with Yuan Shikai. In such a time period, the People's Party would likely adopt a method of "eliminating future trouble" towards Zhang Xun.

Zhang Xun was 59 years old this year. At this age, he didn't care too much about life and death. Faced with the test of life and death, Zhang Xun chose to maintain his dignity. He kept his back straight, and although he didn't assume a posture of utter resistance refusing to move or sit, Zhang Xun remained silent. He had made up his mind that even if someone described the People's Party Internal Affairs Committee as a living hell, he would not say a single word no matter what.

"Zhang Xun," a young man of no more than twenty-something sat at the table and called Zhang Xun by name. Zhang Xun was furious in his heart, but he held it back. Anger showed in his small eyes under his thick eyebrows, but his lips remained tightly closed.

After calling Zhang Xun's name, the comrade from the People's Internal Affairs Committee threw an appointment letter on the table. "We are asking you a question now. Do you want to go to Beiyang to take up your post, or are you prepared to stay in Jiangxi? If you want to take up the post, speak clearly, and we will send you on a ship to Shanghai. If you don't want to go, just say so."

Zhang Xun was somewhat surprised. What did the People's Party mean by this? Enticing him to say something and then pinning a crime on him? Or were they really going to send him away? But having just resolved to remain silent, Zhang Xun felt he would be too fickle if he went back on it so soon. Moreover, Zhang Xun believed the People's Party had no right to govern his decisions, so he subconsciously tightened his lips.

The young comrade said with a mocking smile, "Zhang Xun, I've seen plenty of this look of regarding death as a return home. But when it comes to actually tying these people up and shooting them, I haven't seen anyone who didn't struggle. Before chopping off their heads, we ask them to stretch out their necks so it's convenient for us to chop and they die faster with less suffering. In such a matter that benefits both sides, I've really never seen anyone cooperate; everyone shrinks their heads like a turtle. Do you think you can stay silent? If we just apply some casual torture, you'll be screaming from morning till night. So stop pretending. Just give a straight answer: do you want to go or stay?"

Seeing the young man talk about such cruel acts as if they were nothing, Zhang Xun didn't dare to be rash. The impatience in the young man's tone made a person like Zhang Xun, who had seen the world, feel a profound fear. Getting the truth out requires a lot of skill, but simply making someone suffer is much easier. Zhang Xun thought he could keep his mouth shut, but if the purpose of torture was just to make him scream, Zhang Xun didn't think his backbone could preserve his dignity in silence. If the People's Party insisted on killing him, Zhang Xun felt that suffering less physical pain was a necessary choice.

Enduring a strong sense of shame, Zhang Xun answered loudly, "I want to leave Jiangxi."

"Are you sure you want to leave Jiangxi?" the young comrade asked.

"Yes," Zhang Xun replied through gritted teeth.

In less than twenty hours, Zhang Xun was on a ship to Shanghai. Many of the passengers around him were people he knew. They all wore expressions of tragedy or facing death, along with a sense of confusion. Before boarding, these people might have been bound with ropes, but after boarding, they were untied. Before being brought to the ship, they were even allowed to go home and pack luggage. Most people brought their families. Leaving aside the danger of assassination en route, this clearly looked like exile. The steam whistle blew, and the river steamer, built by the People's Party using blueprints purchased from Britain and processing equipment from the United States, slowly began to move.

The young comrades were responsible for intimidating these guys. After this ship was sent off, the comrades held a work summary meeting. How to implement intimidation more effectively should have been the topic of the meeting. But the young comrades had other concerns in their work.

"Those people were gnashing their teeth before they left. It seems they are going to be our mortal enemies."

"Can we guarantee that we'll wipe them all out later?"

"Aren't we against forming personal grudges? Not only these people, but their families probably hate us to the bone too."

"Chairman Chen's song 'February Comes' sings it well: those who plant melons get melons, those who plant beans get beans; whoever plants hatred will suffer for it! Are we planting hatred?"

"Hey, hey! It was this group of people who planted hatred first, alright?"

"Or as they say: 'Repay resentment with virtue, how about that?' Confucius said: 'With what then will you repay virtue? Repay resentment with uprightness, and repay virtue with virtue.' If we're worried about them carrying out counter-revolutionary actions, then just imprison or execute them now. Why force them away and add trouble? Casting a long line to catch a big fish feels like there are too many uncontrollable factors."

"I completely agree with Chairman Chen's plan, but this seems a bit less than open and aboveboard. There are so many discerning people in the world; one look and they'll know our purpose."

"We are revolutionaries, not here to be nice guys. The enemy will definitely oppose us. Making them declare their attitude now—I think doing this is very right!"

"Exactly. A hidden enemy is a hibernating snake; we have to be on guard at all times. Intensify the conflict once and for all. Either fight with real swords and guns on the battlefield, or honestly admit that it is now the world of the revolution. It's good for everyone."

The discussion unfolded like this. After more than half an hour of debate, the young comrades gradually reached a consensus. There were indeed many negative feelings during the specific execution, but doing so was correct in principle. Just looking at the current calm situation and mistakenly thinking that this calm could continue endlessly was burying one's head in the sand.

Having determined the direction, the discussion went straight to practical operations.

"How should we treat those guys who don't dare to tough it out with the base area? Should we do another round?"

"Killing a man is no more than a nod of the head. Further coercion would be too rude."

"Lock them up first. We'll talk about these people after liberating the whole country."

"Let's not think about these random things. Write a report to Secretary He and ask."

This last suggestion received unanimous approval from the young comrades.

He Zudao gave a reply soon after receiving the report. "The basic political concept of the base area now is 'he who does not work, neither shall he eat.' In the concentration camps, they engage in production themselves. The reason these masters feel they are superior to others is that they do not labor themselves. After laboring personally, they will change."

Even the People's Internal Affairs Committee responded to the Party Central Committee's call for a Great Production Movement, having their own land that they needed to cultivate themselves. The young comrades couldn't help but cheer loudly at this instruction. Letting these grand masters know the hardship of work was truly a satisfying thing.

Just because of this cheering, this group of young comrades was forced to gather for three days of study. The content of the study was simple: "Labor is the most glorious. If one thinks labor is a punishment, then one has deviated from the revolutionary purpose. Implementing labor reform on that group of corrupt and backward former exploiting class is not punishment, but to let them become dignified laborers who have the opportunity to be respected."

After this study, no matter what they thought in their hearts, the young comrades at least stopped talking nonsense.

Thousands of miles away, Yuan Shikai looked at the thick stack of intelligence with mixed feelings. After Tang Shaoyi's telegram and the subsequent letter informed Yuan Shikai of the failure of negotiations with the People's Party, Yuan Shikai was not disappointed. He had fantasized about the best scenario where Chen Ke would foolishly come to Beijing and be put under house arrest. At that time, with the People's Party leaderless and Chen Ke in Yuan Shikai's hands, the People's Party would likely be wary of taking action. At that time, Beiyang would hold a certain initiative.

Since the invitation was immediately rejected by Chen Ke, Yuan Shikai knew that the negotiation was actually impossible to succeed.

The personnel dispatched this time were not just Tang Shaoyi. In order to build a siege posture against the People's Party, Beiyang sent a considerable number of personnel to various provinces. The People's Party, as if possessed, expelled a large number of talents favored by Beiyang from the base area, which truly overjoyed Yuan Shikai. These people were kicked out of their hometowns, and their only choice at the moment was to defect to Beiyang. With the help of this group, Beiyang's strength should be even better.

Until November 20, 1912, the People's Party publicized its political program to the whole country through newspapers nationwide. The first article was the implementation of comprehensive land reform. The People's Party publicly stated that land reform would absolutely not adopt a redemption policy. Yuan Shikai thought he had read it wrong at first, and only after reading it carefully several times did he confirm that this was indeed the People's Party's public declaration. Yuan Shikai's lips trembled for a moment, then he suddenly laughed loudly. "Chen Ke, doing this is seeking death! You are making enemies of landlords and gentry all over the world!"

While Yuan Shikai was in excitement, Xu Shichang entered Yuan Shikai's office with a stack of newspapers. Upon entering, Xu Shichang saw Yuan Shikai walking in the room with his hands behind his back. Xu Shichang said with a face full of excitement, "President, Chen Ke has published quite a bit of news in the newspapers."

"Juren, I have already seen it." Yuan Shikai had regained his calm by this time, and his voice held a confidence rare in recent years.

Xu Shichang was also extremely excited. "President, this Chen Ke is still young. I thought he was going to follow Zhu Yuanzhang's old path: 'Build walls high, store grain widely, and claim the title of King slowly.' I didn't expect him to publicly propagate the People's Party's land reform decree this time. How can the landlords of this world agree with him? I'm afraid the provinces are writing letters to our central government right now."

Yuan Shikai had a smile on his face. "No hurry. The provincial governments may not necessarily react much. It will take a few days for the local gentry to start making a fuss."

As they were speaking, Yuan Shikai's guard came in to report, "President, a telegram has been received."

A look of joy appeared on Xu Shichang's face, but Yuan Shikai asked calmly, "Where is it from?"

There was no joy on the guard's face. He answered cautiously, "It is a telegram sent by Chen Ke from Wuhan."

The joy on Xu Shichang's face vanished without a trace immediately. For Chen Ke to send a telegram at this time, nine out of ten times it was absolutely not good news.

Yuan Shikai took the telegram, read it a few times, and then let the guard leave.

"President..." Xu Shichang asked with concern.

Yuan Shikai handed the telegram to Xu Shichang and continued to walk around the room with his hands behind his back.

Xu Shichang glanced at the telegram draft. The content was brief: "To the President: If the Bianluo Railway branch line can go through Xuzhou and extend to Lianyungang, it can greatly promote the economy along the route. I have already raised funds and workers. The railway from Lianyungang to Xuzhou will be completed soon, and the railway from Xuzhou to Shangqiu has also been surveyed. I request the President to order the Henan government to cooperate. If this railway can be built, it will be the President's merit. Awaiting your reply."

Xu Shichang knew that the People's Party would definitely respond to the Beiyang government's actions, not only in political contests but also very likely developing into military conflict. He never expected that the People's Party would actually launch an action against Beiyang in the name of building a railway. For a moment, Xu Shichang actually couldn't think of any solution.