Now, every two days, the secretary would report the schedule for the next two days to Chen Ke. "Chairman Chen, after meeting with the comrades from the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, do you want to see Comrades Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin?"

"When did they arrive?" Chen Ke felt quite surprised. If it were before, he would have known as soon as these two people arrived in the base area.

"They have been here for almost two days. However, the British representative was here at that time, so I didn't tell you," the secretary replied.

"Arrange it now. I'll see them as early as possible today," Chen Ke replied. Although the Guangfu Society and the People's Party were becoming increasingly estranged, once the war with Beiyang began, it would be best if the Zhejiang side could maintain a neutral attitude.

"Then when will you have time?" Chen Ke asked the secretary.

"This time, it's not just Qiu Jin and Chen Tianhua; three other people also want to see Chairman Chen with them," the secretary said with some difficulty.

"Who are they?" Chen Ke became a bit interested.

"Two Japanese comrades, Kita Ikki and Miyazaki Toten. In addition, there is a Chinese student who once studied in Japan named Zhou Shuren," the secretary replied while looking at the record. "Comrade Miyazaki Toten was introduced to our People's Party by Comrade Heishima Jin. He has been working in our base area for more than a year. Recently, we investigated his background in detail, and this comrade's background is very complicated. Comrade Miyazaki is a Japanese socialist and has a very close relationship with the Tongmenghui, especially with Sun Yat-sen. The Japanese government also seems to care about this comrade very much. Comrade Zhou Shuren seems to have offended comrades in our party when he was in Japan. Some comrades who were also international students seem to dislike him very much, thinking that this person's political attitude is quite conservative."

Chen Ke had not heard of the name Miyazaki Toten, but he felt that the name sounded very imposing. As for Zhou Shuren, Chen Ke was very clear about his conflicts with Japanese international students. At the end of 1905, Chinese students in Japan were incited by the Tongmenghui to go on strike and return to China. Zhou Shuren, who had not yet used the pen name Lu Xun, clearly stated that he would not return to China but would complete his studies. Chen Ke was not very clear about whether Zhou Shuren had completed his studies, but at least on the matter of demanding to complete his studies, Chen Ke supported Zhou Shuren. It was just that there were many comrades in the People's Party who were former international students in Japan, and presumably, they still had some grudges against Zhou Shuren's refusal to "follow the revolutionary situation."

"If it's these three people, you can let them come together. Arrange the time," Chen Ke laughed.

Chen Ke had official duties at other times, so the secretary finally arranged the meeting for dinner. After all, Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin were Chen Ke's old acquaintances, so having a meal together was also suitable for such a situation.

Xu Xilin, Qiu Jin, and Kita Ikki were all people Chen Ke had met many times. Chen Ke had seen Zhou Shuren in photos many times, but this Comrade Miyazaki Toten was someone Chen Ke was seeing for the first time. He didn't expect that Miyazaki Toten would be a middle-aged man in his forties. He had a big beard and looked heroic.

After the six people introduced themselves slightly, Chen Ke, along with his wife He Ying and the guards, brought up the simple dishes. The five guests never expected that Chen Ke would personally serve dishes to everyone, and their expressions changed somewhat.

"There's only this much food at home, everyone please help yourselves. I'll go to the back first," He Ying said briskly.

"Mrs. Chen, come eat together," Qiu Jin said politely.

"You are eating and talking about official business today; it will take a long time. I'll take my daughter to eat, and after eating, I have to supervise her homework. I'll take my leave first," He Ying said and left the living room.

"Everyone, there is no wine in my house. Replaced by tea, I wish everyone good health," Chen Ke raised his teacup.

Although the six people were not pretentious, they were all very disciplined. Chen Ke noticed that every time they picked up food, they only picked the part close to them. Whether they liked it or not, they ate at least a few mouthfuls of each dish. Everyone remained silent and finished the meal in a short while.

Chen Ke and the guard cleared the bowls and chopsticks together, and then brewed tea. Qiu Jin laughed: "Wen Qing, when we ate together eight years ago, I really didn't expect Wen Qing to have today's achievements."

In 1905, Chen Ke had originally wanted to make a revolution with the Guangfu Society, but the cooperation between the two sides did not last long. Compared with eight years ago, both Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin had a lot of white hair on their temples. Including Chen Ke, none of the three had the immaturity of their youth. The turmoil they had experienced made everyone much more steady.

"Sister Qiu, how is the injury on your body usually?" Chen Ke asked.

Qiu Jin no longer had the intensity of the past. She replied steadily, "Thank you for your concern, Wen Qing. As soon as it's cloudy or rainy, I know I've been injured. Usually, I don't remember this matter at all. Bosun and I came to see Wen Qing this time to ask about one thing. The People's Party's land reform program is very intense, and the landlords and gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang are very panicked. But I don't know if Wen Qing is just scaring them, or really intends to do this to the end."

Chen Ke felt a little unexpected. If it was just for such a small matter, it was really impossible to trouble Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin to come to the base area together. Not to mention that Chen Ke would not tell any lies to their faces on this issue, even if the two wrote a letter, Chen Ke would not hide anything about the People's Party's political program.

"We have already announced the program. Regardless of whether the gentry are panicked or not, there can be no change in land reform," Chen Ke replied.

Xu Xilin said with a solemn expression: "Wen Qing, the number of evil gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang is limited. It is very common for a family to have more than ten *mu* of land. According to the People's Party's land reform policy, three *mu* of land per person, once land reform is carried out, many families will actually lose part of their land. I see in the People's Party's regulations that all excess land is to be used to form state-owned farms. Isn't this competing with the people for profit?"

Chen Ke explained patiently: "The small peasant economy has no necessity to exist under the industrial system. State ownership of land is the core of land reform. This is not competing with the people for profit. China's land is probably less than 2 billion *mu*, and the population is between 400 million and 500 million. Even if it is distributed equally, it is only four *mu* per person. If land reform is not carried out, people will definitely starve to death. In our People's Party's policy, everyone has the right to survive. Without implementing land reform, we cannot guarantee everyone's right to survival."

Xu Xilin shook his head, "Wen Qing, you said in the announcement that there is no subsidy for land reform, and everyone's land is completely confiscated by the state. Many people have accumulated land for generations. Is this hard work to be ignored? I think this is inappropriate."

"We don't have the money for redemption; this is the key. Precious funds need to be invested in industrial construction. Without industry, China has no future."

"At least compensate afterwards?" Xu Xilin tried his best to persuade Chen Ke.

Chen Ke was completely unmoved. "We do not recognize land privatization. China's land is the land of the Chinese common people. The grain produced on the land is grain to feed all Chinese people. We can not discuss other private ownership issues for now, but the article of land nationalization must be implemented no matter what. The primary article of the current Chinese revolution is the land revolution. If the land revolution cannot be solved, the government cannot guarantee that everyone can live. The government doesn't know magic; none of us have the ability to spit out grain. To ensure that the people have food to eat and do not starve to death, land nationalization must be implemented."

Speaking of this, both Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin showed disappointed expressions. On the contrary, Miyazaki Toten couldn't help but shout loudly: "Well said!"

Kita Ikki frowned, "Brother Miyazaki, there is an old Chinese saying called 'live and work in peace and contentment' (*anju leye*). Without one's own grain, how can there be a family business? Without a family business, how can one talk about working happily?"

Seeing that Kita Ikki was not opposing him, but directly opposing Miyazaki Toten, Chen Ke felt slightly surprised.

"Not so!" Miyazaki Toten said loudly, "In the past, farming was done by oneself, and one bore the harvest or harvest failure oneself. After nationalization, farming is being a member of national grain production. In case of various situations, the state will naturally lend a helping hand. The state and the laborers no longer have only a tax relationship, but are integrated with the laborers as a whole. This is the progress of social form; this is justice."

"The state has the state's responsibilities, and the people have the people's obligations. If this is done, the state becomes stronger and stronger and can drive the people at will. Where is freedom?" Kita Ikki obviously did not agree with Miyazaki Toten's view.

"The state is a tool of class rule, and labor is the only way to create value. The key is not who owns the land and means of production, but who is the ruling class of the state. How the ruling class wants to realize its own interests." Miyazaki Toten did not give in.

Hearing this, Chen Ke could already roughly distinguish that this was a debate between petty bourgeoisie and socialism. He did not participate in it, but turned to ask Zhou Shuren, "For what matter did Mr. Zhou come to our base area?"

Zhou Shuren had been listening quietly to everyone talking. Suddenly seeing Chen Ke talking to him, he was quite surprised. "I have read Mr. Chen's articles 'A Madman's Diary', 'Benediction', and the recent 'The True Story of Ah Q', and I really admire Mr. Chen very much. It just so happened that I learned that Mr. Xu and Mr. Qiu were coming, so I begged the two of them to take me here to see."

Chen Ke now felt that his face had passed the grade from thin to thick, and had entered the realm from thick to non-existent. Even though he plagiarized the articles of the future Zhou Shuren in front of him, Chen Ke didn't feel a trace of guilt. He laughed: "I originally thought Mr. Zhou wanted to find a job in our base area. Now hearing that Mr. Zhou is just here to see the novelty, I am quite disappointed."

Hearing Chen Ke recruiting Zhou Shuren so straightforwardly, Xu Xilin laughed: "Shuren is currently the director of our hospital. Wen Qing, you can't just abduct him from me like this."

Chen Ke didn't expect that Zhou Shuren was actually doing his original profession as a doctor, and was somewhat surprised. But these were all minor details. Chen Ke asked: "Brother Xu, since you came to ask me about this land reform, can you tell me exactly why? I know Beiyang is already at odds with our People's Party. I estimate that the government or gentry in other provinces will not support our People's Party in this matter. Brother Xu currently occupies Western Zhejiang, but I don't know how Brother Xu views us?"

A look of difficulty appeared on Xu Xilin's face. "Wen Qing, if my family is asked to hand over our land and property, as long as it can promote the Chinese revolution, I, your foolish brother, will willingly offer it with both hands. Many revolutionary comrades think the same. But the broad gentry and landlords who support the revolution often only have some land in their families. Everyone knows that our Guangfu Society Western Zhejiang Branch gets along very well with the People's Party, so recently many people have cut off their support to us, and some people have come to us to question our Western Zhejiang Branch's views on land reform. The letters sent from many comrades' homes are full of panic. It makes many comrades unable to work with peace of mind."

These were all heartfelt words. The sincerity and anxiety revealed in Xu Xilin's tone made both Kita Ikki and Miyazaki Toten stop their argument, and for a moment everyone's eyes fell on Chen Ke.

"Brother Xu, have you heard of the class interests represented by revolutionaries that our People's Party has talked about?" Chen Ke asked.

"Please explain, Wen Qing," Xu Xilin replied.

Chen Ke leaned back in his chair, stared closely at Xu Xilin's eyes, and looked for a good while before replying: "The vast majority of revolutionaries think they have the world in their hearts. If the revolution succeeds, the revolution they implement can allow everyone under heaven to get the greatest benefit. In fact, this is not the case at all. Revolutionaries will inevitably represent the interests of a certain class. It's just that some people realize it, and some people don't. Just as Brother Xu said just now, to a large extent, you represent the interests of the local landlords and gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. When their interests are threatened, whether you personally want to or not, you think you have an obligation to guarantee their interests. Whether necessary or forced, you will stand on the side of their interests. This is your class position."

Xu Xilin trembled slightly. He also stared closely at Chen Ke and retorted loudly: "Not so! If the revolution cannot benefit everyone under heaven, then the revolution is certainly incomplete. The common people are certainly working hard, but what crime do the gentry have? According to the revolution promoted by Wen Qing, whether the common people can benefit is unknown, but the gentry will first lose their family fortunes. How is this different from looting?"

"Brother Xu, this is the decisive difference between the People's Party and the Guangfu Society. Our People's Party's class position is on the side of the broad laborers, on the side of the current poor common people. Seeking welfare for the workers and peasants and creating a tomorrow, this is our People's Party's class interest. And the Guangfu Society, no matter what posture it displays, is ultimately on the side of the propertied class. You have also done some things that seem beneficial to the broad laboring masses, but at the critical moment, you immediately stand on the side of the gentry and landlords. Even if you don't continue to promote the revolution, you must first guarantee the vested interests of the landlords and gentry."

These words were very blunt. Xu Xilin's face became quite ugly. Qiu Jin did not have deep feelings about such class issues, but worrying that Chen Ke and Xu Xilin would fall out directly as they spoke, Qiu Jin showed an uneasy expression.

Chen Ke didn't care about this. History has long proved countless times that even if the interests of the propertied class and the communist revolution can coexist in some circumstances, ultimately a life-and-death struggle will break out. An unreliable ally is sometimes more dangerous than a clear-cut enemy. So no matter how ugly the faces of his two old friends were, Chen Ke spoke calmly, "Brother Xu, I used to have the same idea as you, thinking that if everyone took a step back, the sky would be wide and the world would be peaceful. But in reality, this is impossible. Cooperation is needed when working; this is strength in numbers, making work easier. But when distributing the fruits of labor, it is a zero-sum game; fewer people means better meals. There is only this much rice in one pot; if you eat more, others have to eat less. Whether the distribution is determined by labor or by the land possessed. This is an incompatible contradiction. Either the propertied class occupies the distribution power, or the laborers occupy the distribution power."

"Well said!" Miyazaki Toten couldn't help but slap the table in praise.

It seemed that Kita Ikki and Miyazaki Toten had argued about this matter for a long time. Seeing Miyazaki Toten express his stance, Kita Ikki immediately said: "If a perfect national system can be established so that both the propertied class and the laborers can get appropriate distribution, this contradiction is not too big a problem."

Chen Ke turned to Kita Ikki, "If the contradiction between the propertied class and the laborers within a system can recede to a secondary contradiction, there is only one reason. Both sides have to face a common external enemy, and this common enemy threatens the survival of both the propertied class and the laborers. But this cooperation and coexistence is extremely unstable. Wasn't China's Boxer Rebellion just like this? Originally, the Boxers resisted foreign aggressors, so they proposed 'Support the Qing, Exterminate the Foreigners'. There was also a contradiction between the Manchu Qing court and the foreign devils, so the two sides cooperated. As a result, foreign countries struck the Manchu Qing court, and then the Manchu Qing court immediately colluded with the foreign devils to jointly suppress the Boxer movement. In the end, the Boxer movement turned into 'Sweep away the Qing, Exterminate the Foreigners'! There are many comrades in our People's Party who came from the Boxers. They can tell everyone the details properly. Not just the Boxers, but in Japan's Meiji Restoration, the *Sonnō* (Revere the Emperor) faction and the *Sabaku* (Support the Shogunate) faction. Originally, the *Sonnō* faction opposed Japan's opening up and wanted to drive the foreigners out of Japan. After failing, they found that this method wouldn't work, so they simply communicated closely with the foreigners. They fully utilized trade with foreigners to arm themselves, and finally overthrew the Shogunate which originally advocated limited trade. There are simply too many such things where one changes one's allegiance based on one's own interests. If I were to just list examples, three days and three nights wouldn't be enough."

Xu Xilin didn't have the patience to listen any further. He asked: "Does that mean, Wen Qing, you must confiscate the land of the landlords and gentry no matter what?"

"It's not that I want to confiscate the land; what do I need land for? Rather, our new system requires land nationalization so that the laboring masses who are willing to engage in agricultural labor have land, this means of production, to engage in production. The 30% tax we collect, including the output from state-owned farms, is used for industrial construction so that laborers engaged in agricultural work in the base area can have a large amount of cheap industrial products to use. I personally, and all comrades of the People's Party, earn money to eat through labor. No one seeks benefits by monopolizing land. This is our class position; this is our class interest. It is our system that implements land nationalization; all land must be nationalized. This is not targeting landlords and gentry, but anyone's land must be nationalized."

Speaking of this, Xu Xilin temporarily turned his head away. At least judging from that resentful expression, Xu Xilin already understood what exactly Chen Ke was saying.

Although Miyazaki Toten remained silent, he nodded repeatedly. Kita Ikki seemed to have temporarily found no line of thought to oppose Chen Ke, and bowed his head in silence. Instead, Zhou Shuren, who had been silent all along, spoke up: "Mr. Chen, my family only has a few dozen *mu* of poor fields. My younger brothers are still young, and my mother relies on collecting rent for a living. If it is as you said, how will my family make a living after land reform?"

Chen Ke was slightly unhappy as soon as he heard this question. In his opinion, Lu Xun should not have asked such a question no matter what. His tone was also slightly dissatisfied, "Then go work. Our base area's constitution clearly stipulates that receiving education and labor are the rights and obligations of citizens. That is to say, citizens have the right to obtain employment opportunities, and citizens must work; this is an obligation. For example, in the Zhou family, Old Mrs. Lu can also get employment opportunities. I heard that Old Mrs. Lu can also read; she can come out to teach, or engage in accounting work after training. And your two younger brothers, Zhou Jianren and Zhou Zuoren, can study for free. If the money is not enough, they can also apply for student loans from the state. No interest is charged. What is social progress? This is social progress. Laborers, regardless of gender, have opportunities."

Zhou Shuren did not speak for a moment, but Qiu Jin asked in surprise: "How does Wen Qing know the situation in Brother Shuren's family?"

Chen Ke felt slightly regretful because he hadn't controlled his emotions and couldn't help but blurt out the situation of Zhou Shuren's family that he knew. However, explaining at this time would be meaningless; the more he explained, the worse it would get. He simply avoided this topic. "Sister Qiu, when we first met, I said I wanted to launch a people's revolution of 400 million compatriots. What life (*ming*) are we revolutionizing (*ge*)? We are revolutionizing the life where the propertied class was the master of the house in the past. What the revolution wants to promote is a world where laborers are the masters of the house. The socialist system that our People's Party wants to establish can be summarized as roughly science and democracy. Science is to constantly study the natural laws that do not shift according to human will, and study methods to labor and produce better. Democracy is to let laborers participate in distribution, and seek a more reasonable distribution ratio of labor products amidst constant quarrels and friction. In the early stage of this revolution, we do not consider the interests of private land owners. This is the agrarian revolution."

Hearing these words, Qiu Jin also fell silent. She and Xu Xilin came this time not fantasizing that Chen Ke would withdraw the previously announced People's Party land reform program. They just hoped that Chen Ke could make a statement and not show a state of hostility towards landlords so directly. But what they didn't expect was that Chen Ke's attitude was so resolute. Not only was Chen Ke's attitude towards landlords a complete denial, but he also placed a naked, bloody class struggle situation in front of the two. Suddenly seeing such a class struggle that could only be described as incompatible as fire and water, Qiu Jin felt a great discomfort and aversion.

"Does that mean the People's Party must be enemies with the landlords and gentry?" Kita Ikki replied in a muffled voice.

"We didn't want to be enemies with any specific person. Regarding landlords and gentry or ordinary laboring common people, we only want land nationalization. And after nationalization, laborers willing to engage in agriculture can all be allocated land. It's not saying that after land nationalization, they won't even have land to farm. The reality is that a portion of landlords and gentry want to be enemies with the system we are promoting. It is they who want to overthrow our system by every possible means."

Kita Ikki looked up at Chen Ke, "But after your system appears, it is impossible for them not to oppose it."

Chen Ke shook his head slightly, "Mr. Kita Ikki, revolutionaries all oppose injustice and inequality. But a portion of revolutionaries believe that private land ownership is not within injustice and inequality. We, the People's Party, believe that the exploitation system generated by private land ownership is itself a great injustice and inequality. This is the root of China's current problems. So we insist that China's private land ownership must be eliminated. This is the only correct way to solve the problem from the root."

Silence, silence. The room fell silent. Except for the heavy breathing caused by emotional agitation, no one spoke anymore. After a long time, Zhou Shuren suddenly smiled bitterly, "Mr. Chen, how many people will have to die, and how much blood will have to be shed? Listening to your words, you should be very clear."

There was a kind of helplessness in Chen Ke's voice, but also a kind of firmness, "At least this bloodshed still has meaning. Those who lose their lives for insisting on the old system let everyone realize that social progress cannot be stopped, and absorbing this lesson allows social progress to be more rational and peaceful. Their sacrifices can also be called offerings on the altar of history. If the revolution is just for a group of private owners to kill each other for profit, and finally fatten a few families and clans. Society makes no progress, and by killing off China's population, fewer people means better meals, so it seems the problem is solved. This kind of bloodshed is a true tragedy. What is the meaning of those victims?"

"Haha," Zhou Shuren smiled bitterly, "Mr. Chen, in the final chapter 'Grand Reunion' of '*The True Story of Ah Q*', you wrote that Ah Q drew a circle on the confession but felt that it wasn't round enough. Is that what you meant just now? If the common people go through a revolution and finally learn nothing, and in the end can't even draw a circle properly..."

Speaking of this, Zhou Shuren could no longer continue, just shaking his head repeatedly.

Chen Ke hadn't thought that much originally. Reminded by Zhou Shuren, he suddenly also had a feeling of sudden enlightenment. Thinking that the significance of the Xinhai Revolution to ordinary people was just a circle that couldn't be drawn round, Chen Ke could only sigh helplessly.