Takahashi Korekiyo's assessment of the People's Party's forced implementation of industrial standards accurately pointed out the key to the People's Party's industrial development, but this stuff was a bit too ahead of its time. In 1915, Europe and America were just beginning to see attempts at scientific management under Taylorism, and labor unions were already beginning to struggle against it. The US House of Representatives formed a special investigation committee, and Taylor was forced to testify for 12 hours over four days. His testimony was filled with sharp questions and hostility from workers. In academia, Taylorism was also constantly criticized as a negative example by the human relations school. People criticized Taylor's assumptions about "economic man," criticized Taylorism for creating opposition between workers and management, and criticized the separation of planning and execution functions created by Taylor.

As for the state consciously enforcing comprehensive standardization like ISO certification, that was something the US only implemented as part of the "New Deal" after Roosevelt came to power during the Great Depression. As the chief designer of the entire industrial construction in the People's Party base areas, Chen Ke could accept low product levels, but he could not accept inferior methods of production organization.

As a Japanese economic expert, Takahashi Korekiyo's level of understanding was indeed not low. It was just that the group of people attending the meeting couldn't reach Takahashi's level. The Minister of Education didn't want to participate in the assessment of the People's Party's industrial construction capabilities, but instead asked directly, "Takahashi-kun, may I ask where this intelligence was collected from?"

Takahashi Korekiyo was slightly stunned, and after listening for a moment, he replied, "Part of it was collected through the intelligence department, and another part was from seizing letters written by Miyazaki Toten."

Hearing the name Miyazaki Toten, the faces of many attendees turned ugly. A naval officer couldn't help but curse in a low voice, "That unpatriotic traitor!" Miyazaki Toten used to have a bit of a reputation as a socialist in Japan, but now his reputation was even bigger. As a Japanese person, Miyazaki Toten actually joined the Chinese People's Party and held public office in the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army. The People's Party captured a large number of Japanese troops in the Battle of Qingdao, and Miyazaki Toten led a group of "Japanese traitors" who had joined the People's Party to "brainwash" the prisoners of war.

Miyazaki Toten didn't ask the captured Japanese troops to join the People's Party and strike back at their motherland, Japan. These "Japanese traitors" simply vigorously publicized the unjust nature of Japan's war against China, asking the captured Japanese troops to stand on the side of the Japanese people and oppose participating in such an unjust war. During this, there was also "vicious" criticism of the Japanese zaibatsu. "Japanese compatriots, the domestic zaibatsu drive you to the battlefield to die for them. Apart from that meager salary and one full meal a day, what else have you received?"

Such vicious political attacks left a deep impression on the captured Japanese soldiers. Miyazaki Toten lectured extensively on class struggle theory, propagating that "there is absolutely no common reason between the exploiting class and the exploited class, just as there is no common reason between wolves and sheep."

Although the captured officers and soldiers couldn't completely accept class struggle, these soldiers clearly had doubts about the Battle of Qingdao after being released and returning home. The Army Ministry had to suppress anti-war tendencies in the army by severely punishing captured officers at all levels of the Kyushu Division.

The Navy naturally didn't get along with the Army, but they still expressed support for the hardline measures taken by the Army. In the intelligence exchange between the two sides, the name of the "Japanese traitor" Miyazaki Toten became known to more people.

Hearing Takahashi Korekiyo mention that a lot of intelligence was actually obtained from letters sent by Miyazaki Toten to Japan, the Minister of Education pressed, "Who exactly did Miyazaki Toten write to?"

Anyone Miyazaki Toten would specifically write to must be a Japanese traitor, or at least an accomplice.

"This has been clarified. But the content Miyazaki Toten wrote in the letter is more important," Takahashi Korekiyo said vaguely. Seeing Takahashi Korekiyo like this, Saionji Kinmochi turned his head slightly and looked at the Seiyukai bigwig Ozaki Yukio sitting next to him. Miyazaki Toten had written to Inukai Tsuyoshi introducing some of the Chinese People's Party's programs and political and economic policies. And Inukai Tsuyoshi led the Movement to Protect Constitutional Government in 1912, advocating for the overthrow of the domain cliques and supporting constitutional government. He and Ozaki Yukio, the Mayor of Tokyo sitting next to Saionji Kinmochi, led 234 members of parliament to impeach Prime Minister Katsura Taro for violating the constitution, confusing the distinction between the court and the government, using power for personal gain, and forming private factions... angrily denouncing them for using the Emperor as a shield and imperial edicts as bullets to strike at political enemies. This caused Katsura Taro to lose his will to fight and step down sadly. Inukai Tsuyoshi and Ozaki Yukio were hailed as the "Gods of Constitutional Government" because of this victory. Since Inukai Tsuyoshi was Katsura Taro's political enemy and had a good relationship with the Seiyukai, Saionji Kinmochi naturally couldn't say anything at this time.

Since Saionji Kinmochi expressed his attitude with body language, the Minister of Education and others tactfully stopped pursuing the matter.

The Minister of the Navy hurriedly smoothed things over, "Then should we prepare for war against China now?"

"Before the treasury is replenished, we really can't afford to fight," Takahashi Korekiyo replied quickly. He was able to take over the current situation precisely because the situation was extremely bad. Under Takahashi Korekiyo's efforts, the Japanese economy began to improve by borrowing the east wind of the European war. This was not the time to fight at all. "We need to work with the British to provide support to Yuan Shikai and defeat the People's Party. The British attitude is that they hope to form an Asian coalition force after defeating the People's Party, with the Beiyang Army providing the army and us Japan providing naval support. Britain even agreed to hand over Germany's islands in the Pacific to us Japan after the war is won."

"Oh!" Almost all the naval officers showed joy on their faces. Being able to expand territory, even if it was just some small islands in the Pacific, was a great achievement.

However, the Minister of Education was quite good at pouring cold water. He asked, "If Yuan Shikai is defeated, what choice should we make?"

For the Minister of Education, this was a question that had to be asked. As a Type A division, the Kyushu Division had been completely wiped out, and the Sendai Division, also a Type A division, had not gained any advantage in the Longkou area defended by the People's Party. The People's Party, possessing such combat effectiveness, was not without the possibility of winning the war. If Japan threw its full weight behind supporting Beiyang, but Beiyang failed everyone's expectations, how would Japan position itself? Paying such a high price only to achieve the People's Party's prestige, what was the point of such an investment?

"I only think that the People's Party is our enemy, and the Japanese treasury is not enough to support a full-scale war against China. I think you are all aware of this. What we need to do now is to prolong the Chinese civil war as much as possible. As long as the European war ends, the Allied Powers can intervene militarily in China. At that time, we Japan will gain greater opportunities." Takahashi Korekiyo did not like war, but as an economist, as the person who was able to raise huge funds for the Japanese side of the Russo-Japanese War in Europe while causing Russia's war fundraising to fail completely, Takahashi Korekiyo was not ignorant of how to choose the timing for war.

Although the attendees did not quite believe how strong Takahashi Korekiyo's will to fight was, Takahashi Korekiyo's current statement was enough to satisfy everyone. As long as Takahashi Korekiyo did not oppose the war, it was fine.

"Then let's discuss the issue of support for Yuan Shikai," Saionji Kinmochi took over the leadership of the meeting. "Yuan Shikai needs weapons and ammunition. With the support of the British, even if we can't trust Yuan Shikai, we should temporarily trust the British. These weapons need the British to endorse Yuan Shikai. If the British can't do this, we can only be helpless regarding Yuan Shikai. Yuan Shikai must use real gold and silver to pay us for the weapons we support."

There was a burst of laughter below. Saionji Kinmochi's attitude satisfied everyone. The People's Party had earned a lot of money from Japan. Even in this special period of war, if they couldn't make money back from China, everyone would naturally be psychologically unbalanced. More importantly, the result of doing so would give the Army faction an excuse. Since the Seiyukai and the naval forces were trying hard to improve Japan's economic situation, there was absolutely no reason to let Katsura Taro's gang gain political benefits in the future.

"But regarding the naval issue, since the British insist that we send troops, you gentlemen need to prepare for an expedition to Europe." Saionji Kinmochi was very proud of this. Even Britain, the world hegemon, had to make a request to Japan at this time. This alone was enough to prove Japan's power. "Gentlemen, your hard work will be exchanged for the opportunity for the Great Japanese Empire to expand its territory. Your reputation will be passed down to future generations. Please work hard, gentlemen."

The chiefs of the Navy Ministry answered loudly: "We will dedicate our lives to serving the country!"

The Mayor of Tokyo, the Seiyukai bigwig, and the man praised by everyone as the "God of Constitutional Government," Ozaki Yukio, looked at this inspiring situation, but deep down he was not as impassioned as he looked on the outside. At this moment, he was thinking of his old friend Inukai Tsuyoshi.

Before the "Japanese traitor" Miyazaki Toten defected to the People's Party, he had a rather low opinion of Japanese politicians, but surprisingly had a good relationship with Inukai Tsuyoshi. So Miyazaki Toten wrote to Inukai Tsuyoshi, hoping to persuade Inukai Tsuyoshi to implement a socialist system in Japan. After all, it was Katsura Taro and others who killed Kotoku Shusui in the "High Treason Incident". Inukai Tsuyoshi still had some sympathy for Japan's socialists.

But sympathy did not equal support. Inukai Tsuyoshi was naturally not a socialist. Even a political organization like the Seiyukai, which maintained constitutional government, could not support socialism. Or rather, precisely because these people supported constitutional government, they were exceptionally opposed to Miyazaki Toten, whose goal was to overthrow the current system. So Inukai Tsuyoshi still took out Miyazaki Toten's letter.

What Ozaki Yukio was considering was that Miyazaki Toten had an unusually strong confidence in the victory of the People's Party. Although Japan had no way to deal with China, and Saionji Kinmochi did not want to discuss the Chinese civil war in depth, this issue was glossed over. But Ozaki Yukio felt a little uneasy in his heart.

Soon, Ozaki Yukio gave up such thoughts. After all, Japan was only a collaborator with Britain's principles in the Far East, not the hegemon of the Far East. The real initiative was still in the hands of the British.

"What exactly are the British thinking?" Ozaki Yukio was very interested in this.