Yan Fu and He Rujie discussed the matter and finally reached an agreement in principle regarding the surrender of the Beiyang and Nanyang Fleets.

The Beiyang and Nanyang Fleets had an obligation to ensure the safety of their vessels. Once they surrendered, all naval vessels would be handed over to the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army's naval forces. The Revolutionary Army, in turn, guaranteed the personal safety of the naval officers and men, and would make up for any unpaid wages. The naval personnel were obligated to remain in service with the new naval forces for one year, during which they would be responsible for assisting the Revolutionary Army's naval forces in familiarizing themselves with the vessels. During this period, their wages would be paid on time according to the original Beiyang pay scale. After one year, those officers and men who wished to remain in the Revolutionary Army's navy would receive wages according to the Revolutionary Army's naval standards. For those who did not wish to join the navy, the Revolutionary Army's navy would pay one year's wages as severance and allow them to return home.

Not talking about ideals, not talking about the future, but first solving the immediate concern of wages, and providing a standard for future wages. Yan Fu's proposal impressed He Rujie greatly. If Yan Fu had acted as a senior figure, ignoring the livelihood issues that the naval officers and men cared about most, and instead dictated terms to the navy from a high horse, He Rujie would have only felt embarrassed. Yan Fu started from the practical interests of the naval personnel, which made He Rujie feel much more relaxed, while also admiring the People's Party's strong economic power.

Negotiations were never completed in a single session. As soon as He Rujie settled things, he immediately took the boat back to Fujian. At least nominally, He Rujie had come to "patrol." After the "patrol" was over, naturally, he had to rush back immediately. Before leaving, He Rujie left Yan Fu with two sets of radio transmitters and exchanged communication times, frequencies, and codes. Running back and forth was indeed a waste of time; it would be much easier with radio transmitters.

Yan Fu also gave He Rujie twenty thousand silver dollars to carry out work after he returned. Although He Rujie's plan to send ships to transport the army to raid the Fujian Governor's Office could not be taken seriously for now, the preliminary work of buying over and appeasing the Beiyang and Nanyang Fleets was indeed necessary.

After He Rujie left Shanghai, Yan Fu immediately discussed the Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau with He Ruqing. After the Tianjin Manufacturing Bureau was destroyed, the Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau was considered the largest industrial production enterprise outside the People's Party's sphere of influence. In particular, the Jiangnan Shipyard under the Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau was something the People's Party was determined to obtain.

"Mr. Yan, there is one thing I have never understood. Since Wang Youhong is alone and weak, and Shanghai is such a vital place, why has the People's Party delayed moving on Shanghai?" He Ruqing raised this question that had always puzzled him. As the number one contributor of commercial taxes in China, other forces would try to seize Shanghai whenever they had the chance. But the People's Party hesitated to act. Even though they had sent a division of troops to Shanghai, the People's Party showed no signs of actually controlling the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce or other institutions. Such unfathomable behavior was really worth pondering.

Yan Fu laughed: "What we want is Shanghai's production capacity, these factories, these equipment, these workers. This is the true foundation and strength of the country. Ignoring these precious resources and only thinking about collecting taxes to make money—what is the use of making more money? Moreover, we were surrounded by enemies before. Once we took Shanghai, this prize would not become our aid, but instead become our burden, our weak point. Not to mention others, just consider the Japanese we recently fought. If we had already seized Shanghai at that time, and the Japanese army, flying into a rage out of humiliation, sent warships to shell Shanghai in retaliation, what would we use to resist the Japanese army? Rather than that, we might as well let Shanghai remain in British hands for now. The Japanese would not dare to touch the British no matter what."

Having said this, Yan Fu laughed calmly: "Since we dare to take Shanghai, we will have the confidence to hold Shanghai and ensure its safety."

These words were spoken openly and honestly, leaving He Rujie dumbfounded. He had never thought that there were people in China today who disregarded immediate temporary gains and losses and looked at problems from such a long-term perspective. The People's Party's power had been sufficient to conquer Shanghai years ago; Yan Fu didn't need to speak in high-minded tones about this matter at all. Because of his excitement, He Rujie's voice trembled a little, "Mr. Yan, you... you really have the heart of a statesman."

Yan Fu smiled proudly, "Hehe, this is not my idea. This is the decision of the Party Central Committee. Those young people are the ones who truly have foresight. It is a great fortune for China to have such talents!"

He Rujie didn't care whether Yan Fu's evaluation of the young people in the People's Party Central Committee was true or false. What he could be sure of was that if he could make a great contribution when the People's Party took Shanghai, he, He Rujie, could at least save his own life. While this era certainly relied on personal relationships and family connections, He Rujie's father, Old Master He, had taught his children history, warning them that when it came to matters involving the Emperor, it was better to avoid them. The Imperial Family was the place that stressed rules the most; being at the center of the storm of power struggles, any torrent could crush a person to pieces. To settle down and get on with one's life in this world, the best way was to be able to do practical work and not fight for the limelight. In any era, even if the imperial court only wanted to save face, they still had to do some practical things. As long as one wasn't foolish enough to covet interests that shouldn't belong to them, officials who worked honestly generally lived long and didn't suffer from poverty.

Becoming Chen Ke's uncle-in-law, He Rujie did not feel that this was his capital. The He family had suffered countless sins because of their connection with Chen Ke. The reason the He brothers could live safely until now, apart from good luck, was also related to the virtue the He brothers had accumulated in their daily lives. If following Old Master He's teachings, He Rujie wanted to continue muddling along in the Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau as Chen Ke's relative, he now had to "treat Chen Ke as a relative," which meant putting in effort for Chen Ke and the People's Party. Even so, Chen Ke might not necessarily treat He Rujie well. Old Master He had long explained this, "Those in power, they themselves are often involuntary."

He Rujie said respectfully to Yan Fu: "Mr. Yan, I don't know the People's Party's plans, and I don't have much ability, so I can't do big things. But if there are some errand-running tasks, I will not decline. You are a senior, and I will listen completely to your arrangements and dispatch for such matters."

Seeing He Rujie being so sensible, Yan Fu also relaxed a lot. Since He Rujie was Chen Ke's relative, Yan Fu couldn't set him up. "There is no rush for the Shanghai matter. For now, we must first talk to Wang Youhong. You just continue to do your original job well."

"Yes." Hearing that Yan Fu did not intend to entrust him with a heavy responsibility, He Rujie felt a wave of relief in his heart.

The People's Party carried out its plan step by step. For the Beiyang and Nanyang Fleets, Yan Fu conducted instigation work in Shanghai. For Wang Youhong in Jiangsu, who had always had a sensible attitude, the People's Party also showed respect and prepared to determine the next step through negotiations. For the counter-revolutionaries in the three southeast provinces, the People's Party ordered the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army to make their attitude clear.

On August 5, 1916, at 10:00 AM, Ji Ye, dressed in military uniform, ran all the way from the frontline command post attacking Hangzhou to the frontline positions. As a native of Zhejiang, Ji Ye was now serving as a liaison officer and communications officer. The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army set out from Anhui, the advance troops passed through the mountainous areas of western Zhejiang, broke through the Beiyang Army's defense lines all the way, and rushed directly to the foot of Hangzhou city. Ji Ye had been acting as a guide and liaison for the advance troops.

The troops implemented an encirclement campaign this time, so the various units did not immediately launch a siege upon arriving at Hangzhou city. They blockaded various traffic routes and arrested personnel fleeing from Hangzhou city. During the march, it wasn't that Ji Ye hadn't thought about staying in western Zhejiang; there were too many unjust souls of the Restoration Society's western Zhejiang branch comrades there, too many unjust souls of the western Zhejiang common people. She wished she could immediately demand payment for the blood debts from the local landlords. But Ji Ye suppressed the impulse and followed the troops to fight to the foot of Hangzhou city. The Hangzhou city before her was the central city where the Zhejiang counter-revolutionaries were entrenched. Given the combat effectiveness level of the Beiyang Army and the local armed forces, the primary task of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army was actually not to capture Hangzhou, but to ensure that those counter-revolutionaries could not flee from Hangzhou city during the battle.

As a liaison officer, Ji Ye actually didn't need to go to the front line. The anger boiling in Ji Ye's heart urged the young female revolutionary to the front. Finally, the day had arrived when she could avenge her comrades. Ji Ye could not hold back her excitement no matter what. She wanted to see with her own eyes how the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army fought into Hangzhou city.

The straight-line distance from the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army's starting point to Hangzhou city was less than 200 li (100 km). Even with many mountain roads and rivers, the Revolutionary Army took less than four days to break through two Beiyang Army defense lines and arrive at Hangzhou city. It had been a few years since she last saw Hangzhou city, but Ji Ye didn't find any special changes on the Hangzhou city wall. The cyan military uniforms and caps of the Beiyang defenders were clearly visible through the binoculars. Judging from the way they ran back and forth on the city wall with lowered bodies, the Beiyang Army was indeed frightened enough.

Putting down the binoculars, Ji Ye looked at the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army commanders and fighters who were ready for battle. They had already dug trenches. Most comrades were not excited at this time; they held their guns and leaned against the walls of the trenches, dozing off.

Surprise attacking two or three hundred li in four days was not an easy task. Even though Ji Ye hadn't participated in the fighting, she was also tired enough. Seeing the comrades so relaxed before the battle, Ji Ye also leaned against the wall. Although various emotions were boiling in her heart, in an atmosphere that could even be described as peaceful, she unknowingly fell asleep.

Regardless of the atmosphere outside Hangzhou city, inside Hangzhou city, it was a mess like a pot of porridge. After the April 12th Purge broke out last year, Hangzhou city could be said to be heavily guarded. The three southern provinces had at least some self-knowledge. In September of last year, they actively launched two or three attacks on the People's Party, but after losing more than 30,000 people to the People's Party's continuous annihilation in the mountainous areas, they became honest.

There are a thousand days to be a thief, but no thousand days to guard against a thief. The profound posture of the People's Party's southern forces not taking the initiative to attack for more than a year initially made the people in Hangzhou startle three times a day, then startle once every three days, and finally, inevitably, they slacked off. When the People's Party eliminated the Beiyang government in Beijing, Hangzhou was tense for a while. When the People's Party started fighting with the Japanese, Hangzhou felt safe again, and even thought the People's Party would lose to the Japanese. After the signing of the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty, the people of Hangzhou, whose moods had gone through great ups and downs, showed a numb expression under repeated passionate stimulation. They wishfully thought that the People's Party's main target in the next stage would be Duan Qirui, who had fled into Shanxi.

In fact, this idea had no rationality, but the crowd in Hangzhou insisted on thinking so. Beiyang and Japan, these two domestic and foreign forces stronger than the three southeast provinces, had been destroyed or retreated under the People's Party's attacks one after another. Even if they admitted that the People's Party's next target was themselves, what use would it be? Thus, among the prominent figures in Hangzhou city, some chose to leave Hangzhou, some chose to continue living in constant fear, and some simply plunged into various entertainment venues in Hangzhou to seek pleasure wantonly. When the news of the People's Party's attack reached Hangzhou, it took a day just to gather all the prominent figures in Hangzhou city. Then two days were spent arguing. Before a result could be argued out, the People's Party had surrounded Hangzhou city.

Just as rats will scramble to escape from a sinking ship, quite a few smart ones had already run away in these three days. When Cai Yuanpei, the speaker of the Zhejiang Assembly, convened a meeting, he discovered that many familiar faces did not appear at all. For example, Zhejiang Governor Wang Ziming, the supreme commander who should have commanded Hangzhou's defense, had disappeared yesterday morning. It wasn't until the afternoon that the Zhejiang Assembly learned the news that the People's Party had broken through the Beiyang Army's defense line. Wang Ziming had once vigorously competed with Cai Yuanpei for control of Zhejiang. At the critical moment, Wang Ziming decisively abandoned the position he had once striven for. On the contrary, more than half of the assembly members from local Zhejiang gentry backgrounds remained. Although Zhejiang Assembly Speaker Cai Yuanpei could see that these people had fallen into a state of complete panic.

"Mr. Cai, how about we find someone to negotiate peace with the People's Party?" Finally, an assembly member proposed a suggestion that seemed relatively rational, but this suggestion was met with eye-rolls from many members. Zhejiang had been shouting slogans about destroying the People's Party for so long; going to negotiate peace now was just inviting humiliation. More importantly, the current Zhejiang Assembly, after the April 12th Purge, had absolutely no one who could speak to the People's Party. The degree of closeness to the People's Party was an important criterion for the purge. In that bloody storm last year, being close to the People's Party or being able to speak to the People's Party already met the criteria for execution.

"The urgent task is, who will command the Beiyang Army?" An assembly member raised this question. As the Governor of Zhejiang, Wang Ziming held military power, and the Beiyang Army was his subordinate. Many of the Restoration Society members who could fight had experience fighting alongside the People's Party. Most of the best fighters had followed Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin to western Zhejiang, and those among this group who didn't die had run to the People's Party. The remaining group had basically died under the Restoration Society's own butcher knife, and those who luckily survived were also eliminated by Wang Ziming through various means. The military leaders who had once dominated Jiangsu and Zhejiang were gone.

The local militia leaders Cai Yuanpei used for the purge naturally had their own purposes. After completing the work of killing for the purge, they took their militias back to the local areas to be local emperors. Apart from a few nominal "Restoration Army" leaders, there were no Restoration Society military personnel in Hangzhou city at all.

If the Beiyang Army wavered again at this time, the People's Party would be able to capture Hangzhou without encountering any resistance. Just when the assembly felt extremely dangerous, the bad news finally arrived. A Restoration Society spy almost rushed into the assembly hall scrambling and crawling, "Mr. Cai, the Beiyang Army in the east of the city has run away!"