After the execution of Cai Yuanpei and others, the guys who had pleaded for Cai Yuanpei all quieted down. In a sense, the working masses are "fickle and forgetful." For them, they must move forward with the changes in society. Cai Yuanpei and others were just figures in political struggle. Without Cai Yuanpei and others, the sun still rises in the east and sets in the west. Delaying any bit of livelihood for Cai Yuanpei would be irresponsible to oneself and one's family.

So after Cai Yuanpei's death, the latest hot news in the market became the news of the People's Party recruiting a large number of workers for the silk factory set up in Hangzhou. More than ten days later, the news of recruitment for the Hangzhou Bamboo Ware Factory temporarily overwhelmed the news of the silk factory and became the content of concern in the streets and alleys.

The serious unemployment problem in the late Qing Dynasty had always been the biggest difficulty in society, and this was also true for Hangzhou and the entire Zhejiang. A decent job was not easy to find; it required pulling many strings and knowing many prominent figures. Opportunities like the People's Party offering, where one could sign up to be a worker just by handling household registration, were rare.

However, the People's Party built factories and recruited workers like performing magic. Traditional silk, bamboo ware, papermaking, and even small shop assistants renamed "salespeople"—these industries all began to recruit people one after another. Those with strength could also go to various construction sites to work as "laborers."

Hangzhou laborers were slightly uneasy about accepting those beautifully printed banknotes, but the various grain shops and supply and marketing cooperatives opened by the People's Party only accepted banknotes. No matter how uneasy they were in their hearts, the locals in Hangzhou could only exchange gold, silver, and copper coins for banknotes, or work to earn banknotes. The stomach always gets hungry quickly. To survive, the working people can always show extraordinary endurance.

When the "Compulsory Education Law" propaganda team beat gongs and drums in Hangzhou for vigorous propaganda, the surprise of the working masses reached a new peak. It was no longer news that the People's Party mandatorily ordered children to go to school, but the Compulsory Education Law ordering adults to also accept cultural education was unbelievable.

"What do we do after going to school? become teachers?" Many citizens were very excited about this. The joy in this emotion was greater. Everyone wanted to earn more money, and everyone had their own evaluation of high and low, noble and humble industries. Salespeople needed to understand the abacus, be able to write, and keep accounts. These things were not something ordinary people could learn.

As for doctors, teachers, and nurses in hospitals and schools, these were jobs admired by citizens. inside beautiful big houses, the wind couldn't blow on them, and the rain couldn't drench them. Of course, these all required longer study, strict apprenticeship processes, and a lot of money for more professional knowledge education. Under the rule of the People's Party, these high-ranking industries actually opened their doors to ordinary people, which couldn't help but make people excited. The hot topic discussed in the streets and alleys changed to school education and the recently increasingly amazing real estate registration work.

Entering September 1917, the hot news in Hangzhou changed to the election of the People's Congress. Having had parliamentary elections in Zhejiang and Hangzhou, this news made the local masses feel very interesting. Candidates for previous elections in Hangzhou required extremely high qualifications, and ordinary people had no interest. The conditions for current local elections were that any Chinese citizen with household registration had the right to vote and stand for election.

Now the focus of local discussion was who was willing to sign up. After April 12 and the subsequent great trial, the gentry in Hangzhou City were basically finished, and there were few prominent figures left. Without so many people, everyone was curious about how the election would be conducted.

Zhou Shuren had been told more than once that everyone wanted to elect him as a deputy to the People's Congress. In current Hangzhou, being a deputy to the People's Congress was not popular at all, although there was no spending a lot of money for elections. But those who could afford to spend a lot of money had already been killed or arrested, and the rich people who were lucky enough to escape this matter refused to show their faces again no matter what. Zhou Shuren certainly knew that these people intended to lie low for a while. Western Zhejiang was indeed killed miserably enough. But in the Zhejiang Provincial Assembly, counting those killed by Beiyang, those killed by the People's Party, and those sentenced to death in absentia, the death rate of assembly members was as high as 98%, and the tragic degree was basically on par with the Western Zhejiang Massacre. The Hangzhou Assembly was slightly better, with a death rate of 95%. Zhou Shuren knew the situation in his hometown Shaoxing. The assembly members in the Shaoxing Local Assembly, adding up those killed, sentenced to death, and sentenced to death in absentia, created a miracle of 100%.

With Zhou Shuren's keenness, he didn't know what to say about such a situation. Should he praise counter-revolutionaries and revolutionaries for their firm stance and strong fighting spirit? Zhou Shuren couldn't say such words. However, Zhou Shuren finally refused to run for the position in the Hangzhou People's Congress, not because he didn't want to look for trouble, but because deputies to the People's Congress could not be government employees. As the deputy director of the Education Bureau, Zhou Shuren was not qualified to run.

Just from this one thing, Zhou Shuren clearly felt the People's Party's attitude of preparing to thoroughly weaken the People's Congress. At least in the near future, they were prepared to comprehensively weaken the functions and powers of the People's Congress. The most powerful organization in China was the People's Party. If this organization gave up obtaining leadership status in the People's Congress, it only meant one thing: this organization was preparing to comprehensively weaken the People's Congress as an organ of power. No one could imagine that the powerful figures of the People's Party would bow to the People's Congress.

As clear proof, Zhou Shuren found that the People's Party's party representative meeting was extremely lively. Even Zhou Shuren, an outsider, felt the intense internal competition of this closed-door party representative meeting. In order to fight for the representative qualification for the Third Plenary Session of the First Central Committee of the People's Party, competition was fierce even in the Hangzhou region.

When Zhou Shuren discussed this matter with Fan Ainong, Fan Ainong was not so sensitive. He laughed: "There is so much work right now; what's the use of thinking about these things. Haven't we seen enough of the outcome of participating in politics? If I hadn't run fast back then, you could only visit me at my grave now."

These words sounded very relaxed coming from Fan Ainong, but they happened not to be a joke. Zhou Shuren really didn't know how to answer. After thinking for a while, he suddenly said: "Ainong, I want to resign and become a deputy to the People's Congress."

"What?" Fan Ainong was surprised, "The job is fine; why think of resigning?"

"You also know that I'm just holding a title now, getting paid for nothing. Usually, apart from writing things, it's still writing things. This is not a long-term thing either." Zhou Shuren replied.

Zhou Shuren laughed: "Brother Zhou, the Chinese Department of Hangzhou University wants to invite me to be a teacher, and compiling plays also brings income now. If I really can't get by, going back to the hospital to be a doctor can always earn a living. Besides, you also know that my family sold everything after the land reform, but at least we can buy a house in Hangzhou. Relying on these two incomes, eating is never a problem."

"Are you preparing to concentrate on writing?" Fan Ainong asked seriously.

"Yes. This era has changed so much, and there is so much nonsense. I can finally confirm during this period that I genuinely like writing. If I can strengthen the spirit of the nationals by writing, that would be even better."

Fan Ainong's expression became more solemn, "We are all working under the People's Party now. You must know that the People's Party is determined to eradicate literati. Why do you have to choose this job at the forefront of the storm?"

"They want to eradicate literati, not culture. Now it is because some people can't distinguish between literati and culture, entangling the two. Those who want to write are afraid in their hearts, and those who want to vent dissatisfaction through writing will definitely talk nonsense like some time ago. If those people are indulged in acting recklessly, how is it a good thing? At this time, someone has to stand up."

Fan Ainong shook his head slightly, "Brother Zhou, what you say is correct, but it is really difficult to do. The People's Party doesn't act now, but it doesn't mean they won't act in the future. Do you think those literati will have a good end? They can't carry anything on their shoulders or lift anything with their hands. Before long, even the ancestral family property will be unreliable. With their appearance, do you think the People's Party will let them be officials? After declining like this, what do you think they can do?"

"Precisely because of this, don't you think it's even more necessary for someone to come out and write?" Zhou Shuren replied.

Fan Ainong knew he couldn't persuade Zhou Shuren anymore. He finally said: "Is Brother Zhou not afraid that someone will scold you for becoming a hack writer?"

To such a question, Zhou Shuren just smiled contemptuously and didn't answer at all.

Fan Ainong knew that Zhou Shuren had made up his mind. He poured a cup of tea for Zhou Shuren and didn't continue the conversation.

Since no upper-class people were willing to come out and run for deputies to the People's Congress, eventually the quota for the Hangzhou People's Congress became a personnel arrangement. Most of those elected were the quite capable ones among the laborers. Even if Zhou Shuren resigned from public office, he was considered a celebrity anyway. After a simple election, Zhou Shuren was elected as a deputy to the Zhejiang People's Congress, and after another simple election, Zhou Shuren was elected as a deputy to the National People's Congress.

In December 1917, the People's Congress meeting was officially held in Wuhan.

In November, the Third Plenary Session of the First Central Committee of the People's Party had ended. Zhou Shuren knew very well that although it was called a national meeting of the People's Congress, it was actually doing things according to orders. Sure enough, the representatives of the People's Party threw out a series of topics at the meeting.

The name of the country was established as the People's Republic of China, the national flag as the Five-Star Red Flag, the national anthem as the March of the Volunteers, and the national emblem, etc., were all determined. Even the National Day was determined by the People's Party: "Since China has not yet been truly unified, the National Day is temporarily undetermined."

Feeling that after being forced to raise his hand to cast a meaningless vote in a series of votes, Zhou Shuren actually deeply agreed with this resolution. The People's Party did not arrogantly think that as the nominal legal government of China, it could hastily set a day as its founding day. If the People's Party did such a thing like a monkey wearing a hat, Zhou Shuren would really feel that he had misjudged the object.

Among all the topics, it was said that the national flag was Chen Ke's suggestion, and the national emblem was modified from the combination of the People's Party's traditional logo and the national flag. The national anthem was also composed by Chen Ke. Zhou Shuren voted in favor of several other topics, but he cast an opposing vote on the national flag alone.

This opposition was not directed at the style of the national flag; Zhou Shuren thought the flag was very beautiful.

Zhou Shuren's dissatisfaction was not directed at the red background of the national flag either. "The national flag is dyed red by the blood of martyrs." This explanation indeed had an inspiring effect. And this was indeed a fact; without the martyrs not fearing bloodshed and sacrifice, there would be no China today.

Even the yellow five-pointed stars with the visual effect of "near big, far small" were not the object of Zhou Shuren's dissatisfaction. Yellow represented the color of emperors in China, and only yellow could match red on the national flag.

What Zhou Shuren was dissatisfied with was the issue of the big star and small stars. The People's Party explained that the small stars represented the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. These four classes equally surrounded and supervised the People's Party as the leading political party.

In this era, "small star" (Xiao Xing) had a metaphor, referring to a concubine. Zhang Chuanshan of the Qing Dynasty was one of the four talents in Shu. He got a concubine in Suzhou. This old indecent Zhang Chuanshan also designed a meeting between the concubine and Zhang Chuanshan's wife in the Kezhong Pavilion. They talked happily, but his wife was kept in the dark. This Zhang Chuanshan was very proud of his means and displayed the essence of a poet, writing a poem saying: "The Weaver Girl laughs coldly at the Cowherd; once the Milky Way is untied, a small star is revealed." The meaning is that the Weaver Girl is still waiting bitterly on the other side of the Milky Way, but the Cowherd has a concubine.

Although the People's Party called the national flag the Five-Star Red Flag, avoiding this boring argument to a certain extent, Zhou Shuren could guarantee that there would definitely be literati rising to oppose it.

However, the opposition of a few people was meaningless. At least Zhou Shuren knew very well that in the Zhejiang People's Congress delegation composed of laborers, no one from a worker, peasant, or soldier background understood this metaphor. These deputies to the People's Congress from worker, peasant, and military backgrounds genuinely felt that this flag looked very good.

So Zhou Shuren had to reflect on his own thoughts. If he thought that "his own vote should be a crucial vote," then Zhou Shuren had great reason to believe that the national flag approved by others was "uncultured" or "contained malice." But from the perspective of the minority obeying the majority, since the final voting result was that most people agreed with the style of the national flag, then as a deputy to the National People's Congress, Zhou Shuren had the obligation to maintain the common voting result. No matter how unhappy he felt in his heart, he had to admit that this national flag was the banner of China.

Whether talking about legal principles or democracy, Zhou Shuren couldn't pick out any place to criticize regarding the voting result. But Zhou Shuren just felt unhappy in his heart, which was really a brand-new experience for him.

Apart from this content, as an organ of power, the People's Congress really enjoyed huge power. For example, the government's 1917 work report on the work already completed in 1917, and the 1918 financial budget. Various data made Zhou Shuren dizzy. What is finance, how is government money issued, and what exactly does the currency withdrawal plan mean? Zhou Shuren found that he couldn't understand at all. This was not just a matter of technical terms, but that Zhou Shuren couldn't have a concept of the whole country at all.

For example, what exactly did the newly established three northeastern provinces look like? Why abolish Rehe Province? What purpose was the discussion draft proposed by the People's Party on abolishing provinces and establishing prefectures in the next thirty years based on? Zhou Shuren found that let alone the whole country, even regarding abolishing provinces and establishing prefectures in Zhejiang, on what grounds to establish prefectures, and how many prefectures Zhejiang would be divided into—as a native of Zhejiang, he couldn't understand.

Zhou Shuren felt that the only thing he could understand was the "accountability system," which meant how to establish the supervision of the working masses over the government and the People's Congress and other institutions. Zhou Shuren really understood this. However, he felt suspicious about the "mass line," "rule of law framework," and "protecting civil servants" proposed by the People's Party.

The People's Party very realistically raised the issue of "cognitive level," that is, regarding the masses' cognitive level of various systems, what difference exactly existed between the equality advocated by the People's Party and the equality perceived by the people? How to handle this difference.

Zhou Shuren had considerable understanding of the dark side of human nature. Once power is in hand, orders are carried out; this is the same for everyone. If it is an unequal society, everyone will hope to stand above others. What exactly should be the standard of judgment? This is a very difficult thing.

Anyway, the People's Congress meeting went on and on. The deputies to the People's Congress came more to learn. The People's Party described the appearance of a China to everyone. Everyone listened dizzily, established correct or incorrect concepts, and finally voted in favor of the topics proposed by the People's Party and called it a day.

Even Zhou Shuren found that when he really faced national affairs, although he wanted to exercise people's power very much, in specific operations, he could only follow the crowd like this.

What all representatives at the meeting understood was the election of Chen Ke as the State Chairman. Even regarding Shang Yuan's election as the Premier of the Government, many deputies to the People's Congress didn't know who Shang Yuan was, nor did they know what Shang Yuan had done. When everyone voted for Chen Ke, they still knew what they were doing. When voting for Shang Yuan, many people didn't know what this solemn vote meant.

After this People's Congress meeting, Zhou Shuren felt that he had grown a lot. It is easy to criticize world affairs sitting in a study, but when world affairs are really placed in front of them, these deputies to the People's Congress simply don't know what it is.

By January 1918, after the People's Congress meeting ended, sure enough, as Zhou Shuren thought, literati were extremely opposed to various classes becoming "small stars." Bored people in various places raised various ridicule.

On the contrary, deputies to the People's Congress Feng Xu and Shen Zengzhi published articles trying to refute this issue of slandering the Book of Songs.

"Tiny are those small stars, Three or five of them in the east. Swiftly we go by night; Early and late we are in the public office; Our lot is not like theirs." This is a chapter in "The Book of Songs - Odes of Shao and the South - Small Stars." These two scholars believed that this referred to the feelings of a minor official.

Later, many people interpreted it indiscriminately, believing that the meaning of this poem was to praise the virtue of the queen and concubines. Zheng Xuan of the Han Dynasty believed that "small stars" were numerous nameless stars, used to metaphorize the numerous concubines of King Zhou. Zhu Xi of the Southern Song Dynasty had a similar view: "The lady of the southern country inherited the transformation of the queen and concubines. She could be non-jealous to benefit her subordinates, so her numerous concubines were concerned about her like this. Because the numerous concubines went to serve the ruler, dared not stay for the night, went when seeing stars, and returned when seeing stars... so they said the reason for this was that the lot endowed to them was different from the noble ones, so they deeply regarded getting to serve the ruler as the favor of the lady, and dared not complain about the diligence of going back and forth." extremely profound. Therefore, small stars also referred to "concubines" in ancient times.

Feng Xu publicly believed that this rebuttal was purely a distortion caused by the thinking of the Three Cardinal Guides and Five Constant Virtues.

Although there were far more literati opposing Feng Xu than supporting him, Feng Xu at least began to try to establish his own stance through this matter.

The People's Party had absolutely no interest in these arguments. For the People's Party, the real big event lay in November 1917, when the October Revolution broke out in Russia. Lenin led the Bolsheviks to overthrow the provisional government and obtained leadership over major cities like Moscow and a considerable territory of Russia.

The Soviet established by the Bolsheviks formally sent a telegram to the People's Party. The telegram requested the Chinese government to withdraw from the First World War together with Russia. The telegram said that the Soviet would formally send an envoy to China to conduct formal negotiations with the People's Party.