"As long as the Germans kill more British, French, and Americans, this is the greatest help to us." Chen Ke originally thought he should be righteous and confident when saying this, but rarely, he felt a little guilty. It wasn't moral guilt, but he felt that saying this seemed very superfluous.

The actual situation was indeed so. After Chen Ke finished speaking, the Standing Committee members of the Politburo immediately showed relieved expressions. So the question moved to the next stage: how can China get the maximum benefit by executing this choice?

"Germany definitely can't give us anything." Chen Tianhua was very clear about this.

"Try not to let the Entente Powers know what we did. Should we set up an external intelligence agency?" Qi Huishen, who had a deep background in the People's Internal Affairs Committee, put forward a quite professional view.

"Is it playing commercial bribery?" Because of the rectification movement and the Three-Anti Campaign within the party, You Gou quickly thought of more specific execution methods.

"Should we conduct more private exchanges of military technology with Germany?" Shang Yuan also said with his usual steady attitude.

In short, when it came to major events in the future, everyone showed considerable steadiness.

"The key is what Germany will do next?" Chen Ke certainly roughly knew the process of World War I. Even if the current World War I was quite different from the historical one, based on the current situation, Chen Ke knew anyway that the US army was going to enter Europe to fight, and the Germans would inevitably fight to the death with the Americans.

Germany had no other choice but to attack. In fact, in 1918, Germany really risked its life to launch an attack, and the reputation of the Stormtroopers was established at that time. After the training in 1917, Chen Ke had reason to believe that the German Stormtroopers could do even better.

After discussion, the People's Party ultimately rejected the plan to provide drug support to Germany. This was not because the Standing Committee did not support more bloodshed in the war, but because the People's Party had absolutely no experience in how to conduct these activities. If it was profitable, they could do it. Providing these drug synthesis technologies to Germany when it was unprofitable, Britain and France would definitely see that the People's Party had bad intentions. At this time, being only one step away from steadily reaping the fruits of victory in the war, excessive pursuit of maximizing interests would often be counterproductive.

Finally, the result of the discussion on foreign affairs was the strategic policy of "stability towards Europe, offensive towards Russia, striving to digest the south, especially Cambodia."

While the People's Party determined its own strategy, the Soviet representative Belkov was also analyzing what attitude the People's Party would adopt towards the world, especially what attitude and action it would take towards the new Soviet. Comrade Lenin repeatedly emphasized "turning the imperialist war into a civil war," which was to complete the revolution throughout Russia through the situation of World War I. As for nationalism, Comrade Lenin had always been extremely opposed to it. Before Belkov came to China this time, Lenin asked Belkov to carefully observe the nature of the People's Party.

Even without observing too carefully, Belkov understood that the People's Party was determined to stand on the boat of the Entente Powers and participate in the ranks of imperialism. However, after talking with Chen Ke, Belkov dared not rashly classify People's Party China simply into the ranks of imperialism.

Members of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) had two views on China. The first was that the People's Party did not have too strong a power and was just fully utilizing the current situation for its own profit. The second was that the People's Party could independently defeat Japan in Northeast China and was a very powerful political party. Regardless of what stance they held towards China, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) admitted that China had been ravaged by the powers for nearly a century, and Russia was the country that had encroached on the most Chinese territory. If they pinned their hopes on China having a good attitude towards Russia, this was completely unrealistic. Comrade Lenin repeatedly asked Belkov to judge whether the People's Party possessed strong nationalist sentiments.

After observation, Belkov found that People's Party Chairman Chen Ke possessed huge prestige and control within the party. Chen Ke didn't mention a word about nationalism, which might originally prove that Chen Ke was not interested in nationalism. However, when Belkov deliberately touched upon nationalist issues, Chen Ke always cleverly avoided all discussions about nationalism. This couldn't help but make Belkov feel fear.

Belkov didn't know the Chinese saying "barking dogs don't bite," nor did he know the saying "mute mosquitoes bite people to death," but a person who could avoid talking about all topics regarding national issues was absolutely unlikely to be a person without nationalist sentiments. Such a conversation gave Belkov a great sense of crisis.

In his observations along the way, Belkov saw China as a country where motor boats came and went endlessly on the Yangtze River, and where buildings and wide streets were everywhere. It was also a China with traces of tall chimneys everywhere along the Yangtze River. Russia was not an industrial power in Europe either, and the situation in the countryside was not much better than in China. Seeing an "industrialized China" completely different from the ignorant and backward China widely circulated in Europe, Belkov felt that the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)'s basic cognition of China was terribly wrong. An industrialized China, a China with a population of more than 400 million, was by no means an opponent that could be easily dealt with. Not to mention that the leading figure of this opponent was a character like Chen Ke.

There was also a "Russian Consulate" in Wuhan, but that was the consulate of Tsarist Russia, not the consulate of the new Soviet regime. Belkov didn't want to have any dealings with those people at all. Whether to rush back to Russia now or continue to stay in China for basic situation investigation, Belkov made a difficult judgment in his heart. Finally, Belkov decided to stay in Wuhan, the current capital of the People's Party, for a few more days to carefully observe the strength of the People's Party. He believed that even if the possibility was extremely slim, he still had to apply to the People's Party to visit the factories of the People's Party to see what kind of industrial strength the People's Party actually possessed.

As Belkov expected, he submitted the application the next day and received an affirmative reply on the third day. It seemed that the People's Party indeed wanted to show its strength to the representative of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).

Originally, the first stop discussed by both parties was the port of Wuhan, but the People's Party temporarily changed its mind. This interested Belkov greatly. He sent other comrades to the port of Wuhan to see the situation. What exactly was the reason that made the People's Party not want people to see their port? That night, after visiting the Wuhan railway system of the People's Party and returning, Belkov's comrade told him, "Three warships full of soldiers are sailing upstream towards the west of the Yangtze River."