In March 1923, just as the People's Party's publicity campaign was kicking off, Kita Ikki could not resist requesting a meeting with Chen Ke. Chen Ke simply had no time to pay him any attention. It wasn't just Chen Ke; the entire upper echelon of the People's Party was swamped. Up until early 1921, the People's Party internally had not even resolved the question of whether to place the capital in Beijing or Zhengzhou.

Placing the capital in Beijing would allow for the direct utilization of many existing facilities, but these were precisely the things the People's Party loathed the most, so this opinion was not popular.

In Chen Ke's original timeline, starting from the 1980s, the first stop for the State Council every summer harvest was Henan. The vast Huang-Huai Plain produced an enormous quantity of grain; as long as Henan had a bumper harvest, the government felt half-relieved. The problem was that Zhengzhou was the center of Henan. Making Zhengzhou the capital was tantamount to dismembering Henan. Therefore, the plan to place the capital in Zhengzhou included a provision for the Central Government to directly administer Henan.

Zhengzhou was a transportation hub. In 1923, that business with Baldy Jiang digging open the Huayuankou dyke hadn't happened yet. The ecological environment of the Yellow River basin was far better than in the New China era, and the Huai River basin's environment was vastly superior. However, ever since the fall of the Northern Song Dynasty, Henan had not seen a capital city for nearly a thousand years. Plonking a capital down on the great plain inevitably made the comrades feel something was amiss.

In the end, Chen Ke gritted his teeth and decided to establish the capital in Zhengzhou. Even so, time was running out. Because the final location of the capital hadn't been determined, the Founding Ceremony hadn't really been properly organized. Wuhan was a nice place, very suitable for being the provincial capital of Hubei, but not suitable to be the national capital.

Once the Central Committee gave the order, the relocation work began immediately. Capital construction was actually the easy part. Chen Ke had criticized Zhengzhou's urban planning for over a decade, and when Chen Ke traveled back in time, Zhengzhou was already a metropolis with a population of nearly ten million. Relying solely on memory, he knew how to build this "Green City of the Central Plains."

Zhengzhou had terrain that was higher in the west and lower in the east, but the slope was gentle. The Jinshui River within the urban area had existed since the time Zichan served as the Chancellor of the State of Zheng, and the lakes and reservoirs to the west and south could provide ample water. Although there were no Temple of Heaven or Temple of Earth, Zhengzhou did have the ruins of the Shang Dynasty city walls, and on such a solid earth plain, there was no need to worry about earthquakes. The only problem with being the capital was the insufficient level of urban construction. In the plain areas, land could be enclosed at will. Starting from 1922, Zhengzhou, which already had a preliminary scale, entered a phase of intense construction. Before the National Day of 1923, the Central Government had to move into the new capital no matter what. Not holding a military parade for the founding of the country could be excused by the convening of the People's Congress. But if there was still no military parade after moving the capital, that would just be a joke.

Such a rushed action naturally couldn't be too refined. Fortunately, Chen Ke had always been extremely decisive about things once they were decided. So, on June 2, 1923, when the trains carrying the various ministries and commissions of the Central Government arrived in Zhengzhou, they discovered their destination was a building unlike anything they had ever seen before. Different from the traditional square Chinese architecture, the new seat of the Central Government was a massive building that appeared as a pentagon from the air.

To save trouble, Chen Ke simply copied the appearance of the American Pentagon. The mountainous areas northwest of Zhengzhou had limestone, and there were newly built cement plants. Sand and earth were dug directly from the Yellow River, reinforced steel was sent from Handan, and Henan lacked no labor force. The Engineering Corps, along with the Surveying and Mapping Academy and the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Academy in Zhengzhou, conducted follow-up designs and drafting based on the initial design while construction was already underway. In just one year and two months, this massive building capable of accommodating forty thousand office staff was completed.

After the personnel of the General Office of the Central Committee entered their various office areas, they found that the lime on the walls hadn't even dried thoroughly. The Central Office Building was near the Jinshui River, the location of the future Bishagang Park. To the east was the vast People's Square. In Chen Ke's timeline, this place was the expansive Green City Square. Now, expanded directly to the edge of the Jinshui River, the People's Square assumed the same responsibility.

After Chen Ke dug the first shovel of earth for the foundation of the Monument to the People's Heroes in the center of the square, intense construction began.

It didn't matter that there was no Tiananmen Gate Tower. Between the Pentagon-shaped office building and the People's Square was the broad Zhongyuan Road. The side of the Central Office Building facing Zhongyuan Road had been designed with a reviewing stand, whose height and grandeur were in no way inferior to the Tiananmen Gate Tower.

By July 17, the Central Government was finally settled in. Troops participating in the National Day ceremony began to gather in the capital. It was only when Chen Ke met with Kuroshima Hitoshi that he learned Kita Ikki, unable to see Chen Ke, had simply gone back to Japan.

"Even if Comrade Kita Ikki has some heavy petty-bourgeois thinking, he is still a socialist after all. What did he go back to Japan for?" Chen Ke asked Kuroshima Hitoshi.

Kuroshima Hitoshi was now serving as the Political Commissar of the 6th Army Group of the Garrison Force. He knew Chen Ke's words were quite polite; Kita Ikki's actions might be more fittingly described as "walking right into a trap." He replied helplessly, "Mr. Kita cares for Japan. He insisted on going back, and I couldn't stop him."

What this era lacked least were men of impassioned spirit, and Kita Ikki was a typical example of such people. So what Chen Ke didn't understand most was precisely this point. "Does Comrade Kita Ikki really think he can persuade that bunch of capitalists in Japan?"

Kuroshima Hitoshi shook his head. "China and Japan will inevitably determine a victor in the future. Mr. Kita still hopes to resolve this dispute more peacefully. It is said that quite a few people in the Japanese Army Ministry currently agree with Mr. Kita's political program, which is an important reason for his return to Japan."

"Resolve this matter peacefully?" Chen Ke almost laughed out loud. The People's Party demanded that Japan withdraw from Lushun (Port Arthur) and Dalian. This way, the only part of China still in foreign hands would be Hong Kong. Although the Portuguese were entrenched in Macau, they held a document signed by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty allowing the Portuguese to reside in Macau. Among all foreign treaties, this was the only one the People's Party government considered valid. Of course, the valid part was only the content where the Ming Emperor allowed the Portuguese to possess that specific portion; the People's Party recognized none of the other parts where the Portuguese had looted during fires. Moreover, through military means, the Portuguese had already been forced back.

In 1923, Japan was to return the leased territories of Lushun and Dalian, whose leases were expiring. Lushun and Dalian had been forcibly leased by Russia in 1898 for a period of 25 years, expiring exactly in 1923. After the Russo-Japanese War, Japan defeated Russia and inherited this lease.

During the Beiyang era, no matter how Japan pressured the Yuan Shikai government, Yuan Shikai never allowed Japan to extend the lease. After Yuan Shikai's death, Sun Yat-sen's "Provisional Government" did sign a treaty with Japan extending the lease. However, as this provisional government quietly disappeared, Japan didn't have the face to bring this treaty out as evidence. China and Japan had negotiated this multiple times, and Japan stated with a tough attitude that since the Chinese side did not recognize international treaties, Japan had no obligation to abide by them either.

Talk was cheap; Japan was also guilty at heart. The People's Party had already issued an ultimatum to Japan: "If Japan does not withdraw from the Luda area by January 1, 1924, the Chinese Government will arrest all Japanese in the Luda area on charges of illegal entry."

The People's Party not only issued this ultimatum to Japan but also notified other countries, specifically informing Britain. Other countries had no interests involved in this matter, so whatever nonsense they spouted was useless. The British, due to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, didn't want to say anything. After all, the People's Party was not declaring war on Japan, but taking security actions on Chinese territory under the name of "arresting illegal entrants."

The Americans naturally cheered loudly; any action that struck at Japan suited the US just fine. With Britain remaining silent, a guilty and discouraged Japan threatened to submit the matter to the League of Nations for handling. However, the essence of the League of Nations' handling of problems was "recognizing the status quo," not acting as a tool to endorse a specific country. Even if the League of Nations accepted Japan's request, it would require Japanese military forces to first withdraw from the Luda area, have the League of Nations take over Luda, and then deal with the Luda issue according to the League's charter. Having experienced World War I, the League of Nations still had to maintain some dignity. According to the purpose of the League of Nations, Japan's practice of insisting on staying in China could not possibly receive its support. For Japan, the result of doing so would be being forced to withdraw from the Luda area, a result that fundamentally deviated from Japan's goals.

The People's Party didn't care about Japan's attitude at all. Since Japan couldn't get support from the League of Nations, war was the best option. The People's Navy's surface vessel strength was insufficient, but with German help, submarine development had made considerable progress. Two submarines had now completed manufacturing and begun experimental voyages. If Japan dared to dispatch its army from the Korea region, the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army wouldn't mind directly invading Korea.

In such a sword-rattling situation, Kita Ikki was no fool. How could he possibly believe that China and Japan could "resolve the problem more peacefully"?

"If Mr. Kita can really achieve something within Japan, must Chairman Chen still go to war?" Kuroshima Hitoshi asked. The hardline attitude towards foreign affairs was becoming increasingly mainstream within the People's Party. If a problem could be solved by military means, people didn't consider the possibility of a political solution. this trend made Kuroshima Hitoshi feel very uneasy.

"If the Japanese government is willing to peacefully withdraw from the Luda area, I am certainly willing to accept peace. Like you, I worry about imperialist tendencies that might emerge within the Party. But the current problem is that the Japanese government fears and hates its own socialists to the extreme. If Comrade Kita Ikki is deceived and brings back a false peace scam, I wouldn't even think much of it. What I am worried about now is Comrade Kita Ikki's safety. Whether he can return to China alive this time is something very worthy of doubt."

Kuroshima Hitoshi naturally couldn't harbor any illusions about the Japanese government. Hearing Chen Ke speak so earnestly, he couldn't help but feel a warm sensation in his heart. Moreover, regarding Kita Ikki's fate, Kuroshima Hitoshi was also quite uneasy. If the Japanese government really killed Kita Ikki, it would only prove that there was no other way to liberate Japan than to overthrow this government.

Meanwhile, in Japan, Takahashi Korekiyo received the news of Kita Ikki's visit. Takahashi Korekiyo felt quite surprised by this, but not uneasy. The fact that this "unpatriotic" person registered in Japan could return to the country was in itself a reality worth savoring.

"Your Excellency Takahashi! This is a gift I brought back from China." Kita Ikki's attitude towards Takahashi Korekiyo was quite respectful. Even as a Japanese, Kita Ikki was quite puzzled by the domestic attitude in Japan this time. That bunch back home actually allowed him to return, and didn't particularly restrict his freedom of movement after his return; this simply didn't look like something the Japanese side would do.

"Mr. Kita, please sit." Takahashi Korekiyo invited Kita Ikki to sit down. The gift was quite elegant: a set of extremely precious bone china tea ware, and fine tea leaves Kita Ikki had brought back from China. Takahashi Korekiyo's servant first looked at Kita Ikki with curious eyes, then went to wash the tea set. Brewing the tea didn't take too long, and soon the reception room was filled with the fragrance of tea.

Before the two had time to taste the tea, Saionji Kinmochi suddenly arrived for a visit. A moment later, Ugaki Kazushige of the Army Ministry actually came to visit as well. This gave Takahashi Korekiyo and Kita Ikki a feeling of being caught off guard. Thus, an economist, an anti-imperial government social activist, a constitutional politician, and a militarist—this strange combination of four people—began critiquing the People's Party's exquisite bone china tea set.

The surface of the bone china was extremely dense and smooth, the cup body thin, feeling incredibly light in the hand. Yet such a cup body was quite heat-insulating, feeling warm to the touch. In the Japanese Imperial Palace, there was British bone china regarded as treasure; unless one was a high-ranking minister of great status, one would not be served with bone china. Saionji Kinmochi and Takahashi Korekiyo were both high officials. Comparing the British bone china with the Chinese bone china, they found that the Chinese goods were in no way inferior to the British ones. This couldn't help but make the two sigh with emotion.

Kita Ikki was the youngest among them and also the most impatient. He was the first to break the idle chatter. "Gentlemen, I have stayed in China for a few years and have experienced and witnessed China's changes. I originally hoped that the victory of the Chinese revolution would ultimately drive the victory of the Japanese revolution. But now I believe that Japan can rely on its own strength to complete its self-revolution. So the purpose of my return this time is to attempt to contact and discuss with domestic forces in Japan to see if political consensus can be reached."

The three high-ranking Japanese figures did not excitedly follow Kita Ikki's speech. Ugaki Kazushige, the youngest among them, was 15 years older than Kita Ikki; naturally, it was impossible for him to get emotional over a few sentences.

Kita Ikki also didn't think he had the ability to persuade Japan's top brass with just a few words. He continued, "Japan has now lost the possibility of militarily overwhelming China. According to the information I have obtained, China has now expanded its army to 5.5 million men. Although the number of engineering and railway troops exceeds 3.5 million, these troops are not without combat effectiveness. During wartime, they can also be committed to battle. Japan simply does not have the strength to mobilize and commit an army of 5 million in a war. I have read the People's Party's Government Work Report. In 1921, the People's Party's crude steel output reached 5 million tons, all domestically produced. In 1922, the steel quality of several newly built steel bases in China stabilized, and output increased further. Crude steel output reached the level of 6 million tons. Japan can in no way surpass China."

The People's Party's Government Work Report was no classified document. Chen Ke had always advocated political transparency. A great power like China had only itself as a true enemy; external pressure was no longer enough to bring China down. Instead of racking one's brains to keep these data secret, it was better to bring them out to scare the foreigners.

The Japanese side had also obtained this data. Listening to Kita Ikki speak so seriously, Ugaki Kazushige finally couldn't resist speaking in a mocking tone, "Is Mr. Kita here to sing the praises of the People's Party?"

Kita Ikki shook his head. "I do not wish to sing praises for anyone. I only wish to discuss Japan's future with you gentlemen. The People's Party talks about class, about class consciousness. I believe that Japan's ruling class and Japan's bourgeoisie may know how to make money, but they both lack their own class consciousness. I believe this is the reason why Japan cannot compare to China."

Hearing this "heresy," the representatives of the three major Japanese forces were all very disapproving. There were some things they didn't want to say right now. Kita Ikki had been in China too long; in many places, he had been Sinicized, or rather, "People's Party-ized" too severely. At the very least, when he spoke, he paid no attention to using the complex series of honorifics used in Japanese when facing important figures. Not using these honorifics made it feel as if Kita Ikki were equal to these important figures.