As an island nation, Japan faced the reality of having no retreat, so its national policies easily tended toward extremes. They would beat the weak to death, while naturally being very smooth with those they could not provoke. Sino-Japanese relations were currently quite poor, and China was an object Japan really could not defeat. Not only was China anti-Japanese, but Japan was also anti-Chinese. In recent years, China had been doing quite well, and the lives of ordinary people were much better than in Japan. As a result, the number of Chinese in Japan had plummeted, with fewer than five hundred remaining in Tokyo.

Most of these five hundred were merchants seeking wealth amidst danger. After the Great Kanto Earthquake, these Chinese merchants suffered disaster. It was inevitable that their shops would collapse or be burned, and it was inevitable that Japanese disaster victims would loot Chinese shops on a large scale. Even worse, perhaps out of shame or fear that the Chinese would sue the looters, the mob simply began to kill people after robbing them.

By the time the Japanese army and police received orders to send the Chinese to concentration camps, they found that they could not find any Chinese in Tokyo. This caused considerable panic among the Japanese authorities. The Army Ministry had originally intended to send the Chinese to concentration camps so that the Chinese side would obediently send relief supplies to Japan and pick up the Chinese by ship on the return trip. Now that the Chinese had been killed off, who would be picked up when the relief supply ships arrived? Could they get some Japanese to fill the numbers?

To be honest, both the Japanese government and the military felt quite aggrieved. Five hundred Chinese was not a very small number. However, compared to the more than one hundred thousand disaster victims who died in the Great Earthquake, it was a small number. Compared to the hundreds of thousands of injured Japanese, it was an even smaller number.

Compared to the number of people killed in the Kanto disaster area during and after the earthquake, it was definitely not a large figure. Tens of thousands of Koreans in Tokyo, Yokohama, and other places had been killed cleanly, which had already led to protests from the Japanese *zaibatsu*. Most of the Koreans working in Japan were cheap labor hired by the *zaibatsu*; killing tens of thousands of Koreans in one go caused no small loss to the *zaibatsu*.

The killing in the disaster area was not limited to Koreans; there were at least several thousand Japanese killed by Japanese. These were all scoundrels who had lost their minds and tried to fish in troubled waters. The gold, silver, and jewelry on the bodies of those burned to death would emit a strong, pungent stench. Anyone found with valuable items carrying this special stench would be executed on the spot.

In total, with hundreds of thousands of casualties, the five hundred Chinese accounted for only about one-thousandth of the total. However, for a powerful country, this was absolutely no reason for explanation. let alone killing five hundred people; if one wanted to fight, a mutual exchange of insults would be a reason for war. Now China and Japan were already in a quasi-war state. It was completely imaginable that such deaths would be taken as a reason for war.

At this point, the Japanese authorities could only face the facts. First, they ordered all Chinese in Japan to be concentrated, and the military issued a strict order prohibiting any military killing of Chinese. If any killing of "concentrated" Chinese occurred, the person in charge would be severely punished without mercy.

Foreign Minister Makino Nobuaki felt quite relieved when he heard that five hundred Chinese had been killed. Every time Chinese people were mentioned, Makino Nobuaki remembered Zhang Yu's face full of malicious mockery and that voice full of contempt, "Go find your British daddy." But after the relief, Makino Nobuaki also understood that this would be a major diplomatic incident.

In fact, Makino Nobuaki felt that the Japanese government was quite aggrieved in this matter. They had not specifically issued an order to kill Chinese people. The government had to take the blame for the spontaneous actions of the Japanese public. Heaven knew how the Chinese would pester them over this matter.

Chinese Minister to Japan Chen Shijun had just finished listening to Makino Nobuaki's self-defensive words when he stood up abruptly. "What exactly do you mean by this?" His young face was somewhat twisted with anger.

"The Japanese government feels very regretful about this matter." Makino Nobuaki had not expected this young minister to lose his composure like this.

Chen Shijun managed to suppress his fury with great difficulty and did not explode immediately. However, he squeezed a sentence out through his clenched teeth, "That is to say, the Japanese public murdered our Chinese people. Is that what you mean?"

"Accidental injury! Accidental injury!" Makino Nobuaki already understood that this matter would absolutely not be settled easily, so he hurriedly explained, "More than one hundred thousand people have died in the disaster area, and people are dying every day. The accidental injury to Chinese people is a tragedy, a tragedy. The Japanese government has already ordered the protection of Chinese expatriates, and we do not wish for such tragedies to occur either."

Chen Shijun controlled himself with great difficulty, stopping himself from physically attacking Makino Nobuaki. He wanted to leave in a huff, but his consciousness as a diplomat finally gained the upper hand. "First, we demand that the Japanese side immediately search for survivors. Second, we are withdrawing our expatriates now, and we hope the Japanese side can cooperate with our work!"

"This... this is acceptable," Makino Nobuaki replied. Any explanation at this point was meaningless; anyway, the worst-case scenario was just war. In terms of fighting, China and Japan had long been rubbing their fists and wiping their palms.

The young Chinese Minister to Japan left a deep impression on Makino Nobuaki. He did not ask for explanations, did not seek those responsible; all his actions revolved around one thing: evacuation of expatriates, and a total evacuation at that. It was as if the matter of the dead had never happened.

This was a very rational approach, and Makino Nobuaki felt the terrible implications behind it. This Chinese minister was now working for the Chinese expatriates alive in Japan. Of course, once the living Chinese were transported back to China, what would follow would certainly be actions regarding the Chinese dead. Makino Nobuaki was not afraid of this. As a veteran diplomat, he knew very well that such things could not be avoided. Since the outcome was destined to be a tragedy, perhaps reducing some boring troubles on the road to tragedy was also a kind of consolation.

The news flew straight back to Zhengzhou and immediately triggered a fierce reaction in the Central Committee. Since the rise of the People's Party, there had been no massacres of Chinese by foreigners for more than a decade. Minister of Publicity Zhang Yu's gaze was as sharp as a steel needle. "Who are we defining as the enemy?! Is it the Japanese government or the Japanese mob?"

"What's the difference?" You Gou asked.

"The difference is big," Xu Dian replied. "If we define the enemy as the Japanese government, then we can declare war on Japan. If we define the enemy as the Japanese mob, then we can demand the Japanese government punish the Japanese mob for this. Moreover, we don't need to give Japan any aid this time."

"Then between the Japanese government and the Japanese public, who can cooperate with us?" You Gou continued to ask.

"Of course it's the Japanese government," Xu Dian replied.

The members of the Politburo Standing Committee were all fellows who dared to tell the truth. Zhang Yu was one type, and Xu Dian was another. Daring to straightforwardly despise foreign masses and not fearing guilt by association, Xu Dian counted as a typical example.

"Get the people back first," Shang Yuan replied. In actual execution, the priority naturally went to the living. As long as the green hills remain, there is no fear of running out of firewood; financial losses were already extremely hard to recover, and if lives were lost too, there would be no chance to even turn the tables.

"Are we going to war?" Qi Huishen asked.

"Do you think we aren't in a quasi-war stage now?" Chen Ke's answer was quite simple. "Strengthen personnel deployment to Taiwan and Korea. Especially Taiwan; the probability of combat personnel going there and never returning is very high."

The Japanese high command's judgment of China was not wrong; the People's Party had no intention of peaceful coexistence with Japan at all. In recent years, cooperation with the Germans had gradually unfolded, and with the impact of the economic crisis, technical exchanges between China and Europe had increased. several domestic shipbuilding enterprises had also been integrated into the industrial system. To liberate Taiwan, ships were a must. The People's Party was not Moses and could not part the waters of the Taiwan Strait. To deploy personnel to Taiwan and provide continuous weapon support, ships were needed, and they had to be ships capable of evading the Japanese naval blockade. By 1922, the People's Navy finally had ships with speed and range that were barely sufficient.

"After the Great Japanese Earthquake, they will definitely increase their plunder of Korea and Taiwan. Where there is oppression, there is resistance; this opportunity must not be missed." Chen Ke seemed not to have heard the news of the Great Japanese Earthquake at all; he was considering purely the issue of the strategic window of opportunity.

"Then when do we publicize the issue of Japan slaughtering Chinese expatriates?" Zhang Yu asked.

"When we evacuate the expatriates this time, bring some aid supplies. When the evacuation is over, start publicizing this matter domestically and internationally." Chen Ke answered very crisply. In Chen Ke's timeline, the level of the TG propaganda department really left Chen Ke speechless. This was not to say China couldn't aid foreign countries; as a great power, it had to have the magnanimity of a great power. The problem was that Chairman Mao's style of being "justified, advantageous, and restrained" really failed to manifest in China's propaganda actions.

Doing things required seeking truth from facts; one couldn't use the muddying method of saying good people are all good and bad people are all bad. Aiding Indonesia was China's humanitarian spirit, but the matter of Indonesia slaughtering Chinese people naturally had to be fully exposed as well. Face is something one earns oneself, not something given by others. In the international community, no one owes anyone anything. It was thanks to Chen Ke having such experience that he could handle the Japanese earthquake issue relatively calmly.

"Will the Japanese comrades within the Party have any thoughts?" Organization Minister Qi Huishen asked. Once such propaganda started, anti-Japanese sentiment within China would naturally rise significantly. The emotions of their own comrades had to be considered.

"Speak the truth, do practical things. We can't make everyone sing our praises, let alone make others worship us. All we can do is speak the truth and do practical things. If some people can't accept this fact, then let them be. So we ourselves must speak the truth. Don't deliberately smear the Japanese government, and there is absolutely no need to speak for the Japanese public. Burying one's head in the sand is definitely unacceptable," Chen Ke replied.

"But the masses won't be so rational," Qi Huishen was still somewhat worried about this.

Zhang Yu immediately took over the conversation. "We have a legal system. What the masses think is not important, and we can't order the masses on what to think. But we can always regulate everyone's actions through the legal system. If you're afraid of the masses acting recklessly, you might as well think more about how to maintain public order."

"Maintaining public order costs money. If the masses start attacking Japanese people, the cost of us deploying police forces, including follow-up work, will definitely not be small," Qi Huishen replied.

Hearing this, Xu Dian also supported Zhang Yu. "Building a country with rule of law inherently requires a long time, numerous incidents, and huge costs. This is like climbing stairs; which flight of a hundred steps can you skip? These costs must be paid when due. Enlightening the people's wisdom solely by positive education is absolutely impossible."

Qi Huishen glanced at Xu Dian; he felt that Xu Dian was becoming increasingly active. As the various systems of New China were completed, this Standing Committee member in charge of the judicial sector was much stronger than before in both influence and attitude toward policy. Moreover, in the early years, Xu Dian and Zhang Yu had been somewhat like fire and water, but now the two of them showed a trend of hitting it off.

"We'll just bear whatever consequences arise from speaking the truth and doing practical things. To avoid trouble, trying to contrive some good result from the start is a bureaucratic style of work." Chen Ke had the final word.

"Then who should we send?" Qi Huishen stopped struggling with other issues and jumped to the next one.

"Sa Zhenbing is obviously unsuitable, so let Navy General Commissar Qin Shou lead the team." Chen Ke appointed the general.

When Qin Shou received the news, he was still in Shanghai, waiting with People's Navy Commander-in-Chief Sa Zhenbing for the Navy's latest destroyer to launch. The People's Party Navy high command had held a seminar on future naval development in 1921. At the meeting, Military Commission Chairman Chen Ke had determined the future naval development direction with an extremely high-pressure stance: a new type of navy centered on aircraft carrier battle groups.

The current leaders in the People's Navy, Yan Fu, Sa Zhenbing, and Qin Shou, had originally all graduated from the Southern Naval Academy. Apart from these three, the New China naval personnel were basically all from the People's Naval Academy. Hearing Chen Ke, a complete layman, actually come up with a completely different line of thinking for future ocean-going combat, the three of them did not dare to fully oppose it.

At the present stage, the main direction of the People's Party Navy was aircraft, submarines, and fast boats, but Chen Ke's naval development program had cancelled the battleship direction. Only heavy cruisers of over ten thousand tons were used as bombardment units. The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army Air Force had developed very early, and aircraft on ships had also been tested. But the new aircraft carrier with a side island superstructure and a flush deck proposed by Chen Ke completely abandoned artillery.

Qin Shou was a member of the People's Party's early Beijing Party Group and had gone south with Chen Ke. Apart from Qin Shou, the naval commanders without exception resolutely supported Chen Ke. As long as the ships were made of steel and the tonnage was large enough, these naval personnel would hesitate at nothing to realize any future naval model Chen Ke spoke of. This left the three of them unable to even raise an argument of opposition.

Since the aircraft carrier direction could not be debated, they could not possibly raise objections to the combat functions of heavy cruisers, destroyers, and frigates either.

Destroyers were medium-sized vessels equipped with various weapons such as anti-air, anti-submarine, and anti-surface capabilities. They could perform offensive assault missions in naval formations, undertake anti-air and anti-submarine escort tasks for combat formations, and also serve as support forces in amphibious and anti-amphibious operations.

Frigates were light surface combat vessels with anti-submarine torpedoes and naval guns as their main weapons. They were mainly used for escorting naval formations, as well as for reconnaissance, alert, patrol, mine-laying, and supporting landings.

The United States had reached an agreement with China and sold two treaty battleships that were surplus to American requirements to China. The main bodies of the ships had already been built, and they were towed to China for mid-to-late-stage fitting out.

These two battleships were warships with which China could truly confront the battleships of other countries in the world without falling behind. The United States had also managed to sell them to China only after withstanding pressure from Britain with great difficulty. Defense Minister Yan Fu, Navy Commander-in-Chief Sa Zhenbing, and Navy General Commissar Qin Shou all knew they definitely couldn't twist Chen Ke's arm, but they hoped to complete the later-stage work on these two warships as soon as possible to prove to Chen Ke with actual results that battleships had not exited the military stage at all.

The Defense Minister mainly managed the seal, because the Ministry of Defense now only had the Minister left, without even a single office staffer. Similarly, as long as there was an external mission, Sa Zhenbing and Qin Shou could become Vice Ministers of Defense or even the Minister of Defense at any time. So Yan Fu simply moved into the dormitory of the Shanghai Shipyard, supervising the shipbuilding work every day.

Sa Zhenbing and Qin Shou did have the task of managing naval operations, but whenever the two had a chance, they would bring the fleet to Shanghai. First, it was to use the fleet to deter foreigners, and second, they were also dreaming about those two behemoths in the dry dock.

After receiving the telegram ordering the People's Navy to go to Japan to evacuate expatriates, Sa Zhenbing's face was terribly grim. The Beiyang Fleet had also visited Japan back then, and there had been a big fight in the Japanese red-light district. More than thirty years had passed, but Sa Zhenbing could still clearly recall the situation at that time.

"What ships did the Military Commission say to send?" Sa Zhenbing asked.

"One destroyer, two frigates, and a ten-thousand-ton steamer. It will be loaded with relief supplies for Japan. The order specifies that they must be ones we built ourselves," Qin Shou replied.

"If only those two battleships could be sent," Sa Zhenbing could not help but say.

Looking at the expression of his old comrade-in-arms and old classmate, the 69-year-old Yan Fu could not help but pat Sa Zhenbing on the shoulder. "Don't worry, we will definitely live to see the day the Navy takes revenge!"