The People's Party's existence in Jiangsu was open. It was only because the Central Committee of the People's Party decided not to interfere in Jiangsu's affairs for the time being that the Jiangsu Special Administrative Region existed. At this stage, the People's Party only had overt commercial entities and covert intelligence agencies in Jiangsu.

The People's Party intelligence department was very clear about the internal struggles in Jiangsu. In November 1923, the struggle between Yu Chen, Commander of the Jiangsu National Defense Army, and the Jiangsu Parliament became increasingly fierce. Yu Chen did not want anyone to possess the legal lineage of succession to the Jiangsu Military Governor. He had already obtained Wang Youhong's support, so the members of the parliament who tried to overthrow Yu Chen simply attempted to use the legal authority of the People's Party to counter Yu Chen's legal authority.

Fortunately, the head of the Jiangsu intelligence department was also a veteran political commissar. He analyzed the problem based on facts and finally saw the essence of the matter clearly. The members of the Jiangsu Parliament had long since ceased to plan on using Jiangsu as a base to contend for the world. What they wanted was merely to maintain their power in Jiangsu. Since the parliament had the "self-awareness of the ruling class," the military-political strongman power that relied on force to override the parliament was naturally the object these people strove to resist. Wang Youhong's control over Jiangsu for nearly twenty years had at least established prestige, and no one in Jiangsu dared to directly challenge Wang Youhong. But as for Yu Chen, the second generation of this military-political system, the parliamentarians had no intention of submitting obediently.

Of course, the Jiangsu parliamentarians did not dare to clearly carry a banner and defect to the People's Party. Because the parliamentarians could at least struggle against Yu Chen, whereas the People's Party was an object Jiangsu could not struggle against at all. If they failed to utilize the People's Party and instead "invited the wolf into the house," the Jiangsu parliamentarians would absolutely not agree to do so.

"The Jiangsu Parliament faction is vacillating between two ends!" The head of the Jiangsu intelligence department made this judgment at a meeting with comrades.

Judgments could be made casually, but the true face of the matter was not that simple. A part of the parliamentarians, represented by the seventy-year-old Zhang Jian, actually wanted to carry out land reform in Jiangsu. Moreover, the purpose of the land reform was to alleviate Jiangsu's fundamental contradictions, keep up with China's overall situation, and then engage in political confrontation with the People's Party. In addition to the military-political faction and the parliament faction, a third faction distinct from the two appeared in Jiangsu. Such a change made the Jiangsu intelligence agency feel somewhat troubled.

The struggle between the three existing factions in Jiangsu also appeared extremely interesting. Zhang Jian and Yu Chen cooperated on land reform, and in this aspect, they were in a state of struggle with the Jiangsu Parliament faction. However, this "Land Reform Cooperation Faction" was also full of fierce struggles internally. Whoever could lead "Jiangsu's land reform" and lead Jiangsu's land reform to success would definitely be the future leader of Jiangsu. Because Yu Chen possessed Wang Youhong's background, he had a strong trend of occupying the initiative. Thus, in terms of opposing Yu Chen, the Land Reform faction represented by Zhang Jian and the Jiangsu Parliament faction actually had relatively close common interests.

This was only the main manifestation of the contradictions in Jiangsu's upper strata. Within it, there were even more complicated factional struggles, past grudges and entanglements, and struggles between families and regions. Finally, the report from the Jiangsu intelligence department simply quoted a saying: "The temple is small but the evil wind is strong; the pond is shallow but the turtles are many."

Shang Yuan had already set off to inspect work in Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou. The Politburo Standing Committee in the Central Committee changed from 5+2 to 2+2. As the Minister of Propaganda, Zhang Yu did not care at all that he actually did not have formal voting rights, and simply presided over the meeting.

Chen Ke never had any intention of establishing a second-in-command, nor did he have any actions to suppress a second-in-command. He simply unswervingly maintained the Party's organizational discipline. Therefore, who was willing to speak more at meetings, or who became the temporary leader in certain meetings due to work or research scope, was not a problem for the Politburo Standing Committee members located at the peak of power. Everyone knew that Chen Ke had absolutely no hobby or idea of monopolizing power; he only struck at people who attempted to monopolize power. Striking at people who attempted to monopolize power was a consistent tradition of the Politburo Standing Committee and even the Politburo, so Zhang Yu's style actually kept him safe and sound.

"The temple is small but the evil wind is strong; the pond is shallow but the turtles are many. well said!" Zhang Yu praised.

Chen Tianhua said: "Originally, I thought destroying Jiangsu would be a matter of lifting a hand. Now I feel this is simply a living textbook."

Qi Huishen nodded in agreement, "There really is nothing new under the sun. Jiangsu and we are doing this together."

Xu Dian also expressed deep agreement, "Using copper as a mirror, one can adjust one's clothes and cap; using history as a mirror, one can know the rise and fall; using people as a mirror, one can understand right and wrong. Externally there are Britain, the US, and the Soviet Union; internally there are Jiangsu and the Northwest. I now feel that being a student is really good. As long as one is willing to learn, these countries and forces are free teachers."

Responsible for personnel work, which was equivalent to controlling the future of the People's Party, Qi Huishen's importance was by no means below Chen Ke. In this Party School and Cadre School study, Qi Huishen presided over cadre education work. "Where is the capitalist system more progressive than the feudal system? It is progressive in that everyone is equal before capital. No matter whether your bloodline is noble, your background prominent, or how high your position is. When the capitalist system develops to the end, there is only the saying that everyone is equal before capital. With Jiangsu doing it this way, I would like to see if they can break through Jiangsu's feudal system and progress to the capitalist system, or if they will stop at the level of feudal socialism as stated in the 'Communist Manifesto'."

Hearing Qi Huishen speak with such foresight and passion, Zhang Yu laughed: "Old Qi, you can actually understand the 'Communist Manifesto'. Amazing!"

Qi Huishen was not moved by what Zhang Yu said at all. He replied calmly: "Mechanical application and forced interpretation, that's all. In the past, Chairman Chen talked every day and every year like an old lady, saying we must be modest and prudent and have the mindset of a student. Back when we were in a difficult state, I actually felt I was number one in the world. Now that we really occupy such a big advantage, I only understand a little bit about how to learn from others and what to learn. Truly, among any three people walking, there must be a teacher of mine!"

"Then Old Qi, you can also stand shoulder to shoulder with Confucius." Zhang Yu's words sounded like a joke, but his tone and expression did not have the slightest hint of joking.

Like other comrades, Chen Tianhua finally had more days where he could smile than days where he frowned in the past two years. He laughed: "Alright, that's enough blowing your own horn. Now it seems Zhang Jian in Jiangsu is preparing to take the capitalist road, and this Yu Chen might want to take the feudal socialist road. Of course, without Wang Youhong directing behind the scenes, we don't know this person Yu Chen's political program."

Zhang Yu didn't want to spend so much time and energy on Jiangsu at all. He replied: "Still the same words: watch him build the vermilion tower, watch him feast the guests, watch his tower collapse. So many forces, so many people are like this. Just waiting to see Jiangsu's end is enough. As for our training this time, we should eliminate feudal ideas within the Party and the government as much as possible. I do have an idea. When we just had the territory of a few provinces, Chairman Chen took the Central Committee to move around, directly guiding the work in various places. It actually reduced a lot of problems. This time, why not fully implement the 'squatting point' system? Just like troops going down to the grassroots."

Going down to the grassroots was a work method the People's Party paid great attention to in the early days. Policy makers, in addition to formulating policies, also had to go to the grassroots to participate in labor and at the same time observe the implementation of policies at the grassroots level. Firstly, they could grasp first-hand information; secondly, they could understand the characteristics of policies in the micro-execution field. Many young comrades were discovered when going down to the grassroots. Policy makers knew the purpose of the policies best. Whether the grassroots comrades below could understand the original intention of the policies and complete the work according to local conditions, the comrades above could see clearly at a glance.

"How large should the scale be? Will there be situations of looking at flowers while riding a horse (superficial observation)?" Qi Huishen asked.

"One can work at the grassroots for a year or two." Zhang Yu was unceremonious.

Chen Tianhua laughed: "Haha! Comrade Zhang Yu, are you going to say next that if anyone feels they are being exiled, then really just exile them there?"

Zhang Yu replied without hesitation: "I do have this meaning. If we don't do this now, the 'official standard' mentality will only intensify in the future. How long has it been since the matter of offering auspicious omens? If those people in Xinyang hadn't been thinking about their official positions, even if they were just being a monk for a day and ringing the bell for a day, they wouldn't have made it into that state. Being able to go up but not down, this is absolutely not okay!"

Chen Tianhua replied: "That is still a system problem. How to use the system to ensure normal operation, formulate work processes, and ensure various works do not deviate from the track. In the final analysis, it is still science and democracy. The Politburo is responsible for system formulation work. We must know that comrades oppose feudalism, so we ourselves must first oppose our own feudalism. We have been making revolution for so many years, and finally we can open fire on the feudal system across the board. In comparison, Jiangsu is not bad either."

The last sentence was a joke that wasn't a joke. Some comrades smiled, and some didn't even smile.

Xu Dian asked: "Who will be responsible for the Jiangsu matter?"

Qi Huishen replied: "Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Let Comrade Li Shouxiuan from Zhejiang be responsible."

The Politburo Standing Committee members were all clear-headed and didn't worry about Li Shouxiuan's work ability at all. Qi Huishen probably wanted to see what level the Acting Governor of Zhejiang, Comrade Wu Xiangyu, really had. Zhang Yu couldn't hold back and said: "Let Comrade Li Shouxiuan check the gate, and Comrade Wu Xiangyu be responsible for this matter."

The Standing Committee members passed this proposal unanimously. Now that the upper echelons of the People's Party were generally entering their 40s, everyone not only didn't feel they were capable, but generally felt they should let younger comrades have the opportunity to display their skills. If they failed, they naturally couldn't avoid being held accountable. In terms of the number of failures, the old guys had failed many more times. Only in this repeated tempering could one grow up.

Li Shouxiuan was naturally also a member of the "old guys." As a qualified "old guy," he understood the Central Committee's meaning very well. So Li Shouxiuan did not avoid relatives internally. Besides Wu Xiangyu being responsible for this matter, he also sent his wife, Ji Ye, to be the deputy leader of the Zhejiang Issue Group.

After the People's Party's deployment on the Jiangsu issue had been implemented to specific people, the internal debate in Jiangsu had not yet produced a result. Because the People's Party could see through the essence of the Jiangsu issue from the height of historical materialism, and could even position the various people in Jiangsu, while the various people in Jiangsu could not make accurate self-positioning and continued to engage in a chaotic dispute.

Wang Youhong originally wanted to wait a bit longer. Yu Chen's performance was still considered passing. He finally understood that he had to grasp political power and determine his status as a leader, his right to speak, and his dominance. No matter how high Zhang Jian's status was or how loud his reputation was, he was Yu Chen's subordinate, not a person of equal status with Yu Chen.

Zhang Jian showed fatigue at this time. Wang Youhong wasn't dead, and Yu Chen was still the Commander of the Jiangsu National Defense Army, so he was always in a subordinate position. Upward, he couldn't suppress or coax Yu Chen to give up the dominance of land reform. Downward, most parliamentarians held a posture of resolute resistance to land reform. The People's Party outside was extraordinarily calm. No matter how Jiangsu caused a ruckus, they never intervened or spoke. Originally, he wanted to promote his ambitions by doing big things, but reality cruelly blocked Zhang Jian's efforts.

Just when Zhang Jian was disheartened, Wang Youhong invited Zhang Jian to sit at his place. Since preparing to cultivate Yu Chen, Wang Youhong had not invited anyone to his place. Zhang Jian had an arrogant nature, but he was not a fool. He understood that this meeting was a critical moment deciding his future fate.

Wang Youhong felt he had lived clearly in this life. People had to die. If one suffered countless pains before death, one could only say one's fate was bitter. As long as there was no special physical discomfort, waiting quietly for death was also a very enjoyable thing. With such a mentality, his days were quite pleasant.

Seeing Zhang Jian arrive, Wang Youhong, even though his legs and feet were no longer agile, still personally sat in the hall waiting for Zhang Jian. As soon as Zhang Jian came in, Wang Youhong laughed: "Zhuangyuan Gong, I have missed you very much recently."

Zhang Jian didn't expect that Wang Youhong, who said he was going to die, not only didn't have the panic and unease of impending death but was even more gentle and humorous. Zhang Jian was already 70 years old this year. Wang Youhong was a few years younger than Zhang Jian, yet this "younger" Wang Youhong was going to die first. Zhang Jian couldn't help but feel a sense of desolation in his heart.

As an old opponent and old friend who had fought and cooperated for many years, Zhang Jian was not polite either. He sat down beside Wang Youhong, "Governor Wang seems to be in good health."

"For my situation of dying soon, I feel pretty good." Wang Youhong laughed. After someone served tea to Zhang Jian, Wang Youhong said: "Zhuangyuan Gong, I want to ask you something. Do you think this child Yu Chen can shoulder heavy responsibilities? After I die, do you have any other candidates you want to recommend?"

Facing such a tricky question, Zhang Jian did not utter a sound but considered what Wang Youhong meant.

Wang Youhong said frankly: "Zhuangyuan Gong, you want to carry out land reform, so I let Yu Chen be your deputy, and you two handle this big event together. But for the future Jiangsu, I think this child Yu Chen can shoulder it. Or does Zhuangyuan Gong feel others can shoulder it?"

Zhang Jian did not completely have the intention of getting rid of Yu Chen. If he had this intention, Zhang Jian would not have engaged in land reform matters. He never expected Wang Youhong to present such an attitude now. He was arrogant by nature and didn't want to lie, so he simply said: "Governor Wang, I know I am inferior to you these years, so I can accept you being this Jiangsu Governor. However, I do not want to be subordinate to this child Yu Chen."

"Okay." Wang Youhong answered immediately, "Zhuangyuan Gong, I, a dying person, don't want to curse anyone. It is rare for people to live to seventy since ancient times, and I am going to die before seventy. If Zhuangyuan Gong passes away in the future, that will also be a happy funeral. As long as this child Yu Chen can be allowed to govern, it is not impossible for Zhuangyuan Gong not to want to be subordinate to Yu Chen."

Zhang Jian stared at Wang Youhong for a good while before slowly saying: "I wonder what arrangement Governor Wang has?"

A few days later, Wang Youhong had people carry him to the Jiangsu Parliament. The parliamentarians all watched this dying ruler of Jiangsu sit steadily on the chair and take out a stack of things. Wang Youhong laughed: "More than ten years ago, Chen Ke wrote a book 'This Life of Cixi'. Some have read it, some haven't. I will read a passage to everyone."

In an atmosphere of surprise, Wang Youhong read the part about Cixi conducting the New Policies. Especially the part about the Dingwei Political Change within the Manchu Qing court, where the Beiyang faction and the Qingliu faction engaged in a chaotic war for the dominance of the New Policies, resulting in completely cutting off the possibility of the New Policies.

After reading, facing the Jiangsu parliamentarians who had somewhat understood the flavor, Wang Youhong put down "This Life of Cixi" and picked up another book "This Life of Yuan Shikai". "Chen Ke also wrote a book 'This Life of Yuan Shikai'. I will also read a passage to everyone."

The content of this passage was about how Yuan Shikai failed during the transfer of power. Now, the people in the Jiangsu Parliament basically understood what Wang Youhong meant. However, after reading these two things, Wang Youhong pulled out a few pages of paper again. "Chen Ke wrote a piece of stuff more than ten years ago called 'Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society'. I will also read a bit to everyone."

Wang Youhong selected a few paragraphs and read them. The Jiangsu Parliament was already in an uproar.

"The petty bourgeoisie. Such as owner-peasants, master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals—students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers, small traders, etc., all belong to this category...

The owner-peasants and master handicraftsmen are engaged in small-scale production. Although the various strata within this petty bourgeoisie all have the same petty-bourgeois economic status, they fall into three different sections. The first section consists of those who have some surplus money or grain, that is, those who, by manual or mental labor, earn more each year than they consume for their own support. Such people very much want to get rich and are most devout worshipers of Marshal Zhao; while they have no illusions about amassing great fortunes, they invariably desire to climb up into the middle bourgeoisie. Their mouths water copiously when they see the small moneybags who are so much respected...

The second section consists of those who in the main are economically self-supporting. They are quite different from the people in the first section; they also want to get rich, but Marshal Zhao never lets them... They feel that the world is now no longer what it was. They feel that they cannot earn enough to live on by just putting in the same amount of labor as before. To make ends meet they have to work longer hours, get up earlier and leave off later, and be doubly careful at their work. They become rather abusive, denouncing the foreigners as 'foreign devils', the warlords as 'robber generals' and the local tyrants and evil gentry as 'the heartless rich'...

The third section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Many of this section, who originally belonged to so-called affluent families, are gradually barely managing to hold their own, and then gradually are finding their standard of living falling. At the end of each year when they settle their accounts, they are shocked, exclaiming, 'What! Another deficit!' As such people have seen better days and are now going downhill with every passing year, their debts mounting and their life becoming more and more miserable, they 'shudder at the thought of the future'. They are in great mental distress because there is such a contrast between their past and their present. Such people are quite important for the revolutionary movement..."

Jiangsu had opposed the People's Party internally for so many years and had too many discourses attacking the People's Party, but few had truly read Chen Ke's books. Wang Youhong picked the core stuff. After reading and adding his own comments, the parliamentarians found that Chen Ke analyzed the various classes in China so thoroughly, as if they saw the current status of Jiangsu. More than half of the people in the Jiangsu Parliament were small and medium property owners, and their feelings were especially profound. Even the curse words were exactly the same.

Those in the Jiangsu Parliament who had read Chen Ke's books mostly studied how to get rich and had no interest in these political aspects. Whispering, sighing in surprise, finally, it almost turned into a clamor of voices.

Wang Youhong knocked hard on the table and managed to suppress this wave of sound with great difficulty. "Gentlemen, if you want to maintain your current life and not let people rise up to overthrow our current days, then there is only one path. We ourselves rise up to make revolution! If we make revolution ourselves, there is a better road. If others rise up to make revolution, we are at a dead end! What I want to tell everyone today is just this one thing: it won't do without land reform!"