Chairman Mao once said, be a student first, then be a teacher. Chen Ke never had the consciousness of being a teacher. Confucius said that at fifty, one knows the mandate of heaven. Even at the age of fifty-three, the mandate of heaven that Chen Ke realized was to always maintain the attitude of a student and keep moving forward every day. He had never thought about being a teacher or a revolutionary mentor.

Needless to say, every time he read the *Communist Manifesto*, Chen Ke was overwhelmed by the profound observational and inductive abilities of the revolutionary mentor Comrade Marx, his highly condensed thoughts, and the height of historical materialism. He always lamented that predecessors like Marx were truly great scholars. As for Chen Ke himself, he could only try his best to follow the times every day, and strive to push the productive forces and social system of the time and space he was currently in towards the time and space Chen Ke came from. What he had to do was not to stand on the shoulders of giants, but to try hard to run after the giants' footsteps.

However, the fact that Chen Ke himself did not want to be a revolutionary mentor did not mean that other people in this era did not see Chen Ke that way. After all, Chen Ke had a full hundred years more insight than this era. Marx had no way to accurately grasp the future development, but Chen Ke was a person who had seen the "future" with his own eyes.

Needless to say, in the time and space he was currently in, Chen Ke's contribution to "anti-feudalism" could be considered a contribution. He had seen the "feudal system" of an agricultural country, and he had also seen the "feudal remnants" of the industrial age. The "Five-Stage Theory" of social development proposed by Comrade Stalin appeared when a theoretical guide was needed at that time. The "feudal system" proposed by Chen Ke, from land distribution to power distribution, and even the mixture of capitalism and feudal system under the industrialization system, was also a "temporary theory" that had to be proposed when a theoretical guide was temporarily needed.

This theory existed in China as an opposition to the bureaucratic system, but it triggered quite a repercussion in Japan. In Japan, a country with a strong feudal system, many Japanese scholars whose eyes were pitch black suddenly saw a ray of light. After the Meiji Restoration in Japan, the industrialized system was introduced, but the old feudal system was not completely broken. In the fierce power struggle, the expansion of central power did eliminate some old systems, but the feudal system was not eliminated in Japan. Instead, a large part of feudal autocracy was strengthened due to industrialization.

Kita Ikki acted publicly in Japan. With his propaganda and introduction, coupled with the background of the Taisho Democracy era, and the intensification of contradictions caused by the failure of expansionism in Japan, many desperate intellectuals took Chen Ke's criticism of the feudal system as a new guide. Although they could not yet support communism, they hoped to establish a state capitalism. Or a mixed economy of socialist system and capitalist system.

Whether it is a socialist system or a capitalist system, this is a divergence on the ownership of means of production. Theoretically, both systems are anti-feudal and anti-monopoly. Therefore, the Japanese revolution unexpectedly entered a new stage. The enemy in front of the Japanese anti-feudalists was the Japanese upper class, especially the Toseiha of the military that was gradually unifying the Japanese upper class.

The success of the Chinese revolution set an example. A country can not only rely on the support of its own ordinary people to achieve liberation, but also start to sweep away the feudal system on the basis of achieving national independence and liberation. Even if Chen Ke didn't think this was anything amazing, in the eyes of the progressive forces in Japan, this was a genuine great revolution.

Japan's domestic political thought immediately underwent tremendous changes. The progressive forces who felt very painful about the "retrogression" in the late Meiji Restoration "found" the reason for the failure of the Meiji Restoration. Even if industrialization was introduced to change Japan's productivity methods, the Meiji Restoration failed to continue the restoration in the aspect of anti-feudalism, and even a certain degree of retrogression appeared. After Marxism "changed hands several times", especially after passing through the hands of Chen Ke, a time traveler, under the search of Japanese revolutionaries, it actually combined with the needs of the Japanese revolution.

The bribery election triggered by Tanaka Giichi was originally intended to strengthen the military's voice in the country, but this fellow put on a skin of "universal suffrage" after all, and made certain concessions and compromises to the Japanese people. After this crack in the door was opened, many political forces did not dare to propose the program of socialism, so they wrapped the socialist program in the coat of "anti-feudalism" and appeared in the Japanese political arena. In the mid-term parliamentary election of 1933, political parties under the banner of anti-feudalism occupied more than half of the scale.

This change frightened the Japanese upper class. The capitalist system has capitalist democracy, and the socialist system has socialist democracy. After the feudal system puts on the skin of industrialization, it can even copy and use universal suffrage. The problem is that the essence of Japan is still a feudal system. When they can engage in hereditary parliament members, they will not let the bourgeois members of "upstart" origin in the faction obtain equal power. When they can maintain the rule of the feudal faction, they will not support the propertied class democracy of capitalism. Not to mention recognizing that members of parliament representing the demands of the working people enter the parliament, this power organ.

In the mid-term election of the parliament, nearly 100 seats fell into the hands of members who clearly supported anti-feudalism, and 20 of them were members with relatively clear socialist tendencies. When the bourgeoisie and the working masses reached a united front on "anti-feudalism", the fear of the Japanese upper class was really indescribable.

Then the internal political struggle in Japan intensified immediately. The Toseiha of the Japanese military did not do anything new either. They began to frantically put "red hats" on those anti-feudal members of parliament, and publicized through various channels that this group of people were communists and socialists.

Japan has a tradition of suppressing and even slaughtering communists and socialists by force. The intent of such preparatory work was too obvious, so that this group of members of parliament immediately launched a counterattack. The Toseiha had the Navy behind them, so the anti-feudal members of parliament turned their eyes to the Army, to Kita Ikki, the earliest anti-feudalist who formed the "Japan Anti-Feudal Alliance".

This period was like a godsend. A military conflict between China and Japan over Taiwan occurred. The Japanese upper class showed an attitude of no compromise on the one hand, and strengthened the propaganda of fighting to the end at all costs. At the same time, suspicious Army troops were sent to Taiwan. At the same time, they began to publicize that the disadvantage of the Japanese war situation was due to the existence of treasonous forces in the country.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs led by Li Runshi was responsible for foreign intelligence collection. After the incident of the Japanese Army defecting to the People's Party occurred, Li Runshi personally took charge and finally analyzed the changes in the Japanese situation clearly.

"Isn't this McCarthyism?" Chen Ke felt a burst of amusement in his heart. In his original time and space, from the late 1940s to the early 1950s, an anti-communist and xenophobic movement represented by "McCarthyism" was set off, involving all levels of American politics, education and culture, and its influence is still visible today. McCarthy was a pervert and a lunatic in the eyes of the American capitalist democrats. But the American media's epitaph for Mr. McCarthy was: a remarkable brave soul, a great patriot.

As for the means used by McCarthyism, it is nothing more than making a list of "traitors", putting red hats on people, and extreme hatred of democracy. Japan actually evolved to this point, Chen Ke found it too interesting.

However, Chen Ke was in a flourishing China, so he could certainly feel amused by this change. For Japan domestically, this was not funny at all. Except for war maniacs, no one in Japan thought that Japan could occupy Taiwan for a long time. This can be seen from the fact that Japanese officials would rather stay in Japan and not be promoted than go to Taiwan to be officials.

The Japanese Army was willing to fight China when China invaded the Japanese mainland, but the Japanese Army simply did not regard Taiwan as Japan's own territory, and even the Navy controlled by the Toseiha was the same. Unless it was a victory within easy reach, or old Marshal Togo Heihachiro personally led the army, otherwise the Japanese Navy had no intention of fighting a war with a narrow escape.

As the saying goes, there is nothing new under the sun. As an existence from the downstream of history, these fierce changes were not shocking at all in Chen Ke's view. Fools repeat history, smart people precisely repeat history, that's probably all there is to it. On the contrary, the anti-feudal movement in Japan had never appeared in history, but in China, Chen Ke was the standard-bearer of anti-feudalism. Therefore, Li Runshi also didn't feel that this matter was anything strange. When Li Runshi attended the Politburo Standing Committee meeting, he just asked Chen Ke how to deal with this problem.

Chen Ke laughed: "The Japanese obviously haven't got the knack of it. The level of engaging in this movement is too low."

"How so?" The Politburo Standing Committee members all knew that when it came to schemes and intrigues, Chen Ke could really be called a talent. Everyone was very interested in this.

Chen Ke gave his own view, "It's easy to smear the anti-feudal progressive forces. Just get some people who play with populism out. Populism seems to support democracy, but populism has the characteristic of being extremely short-sighted. Although it is good at agitating the masses, it is basically equivalent to anti-science in essence, and will definitely make a lot of big jokes. Divide and compete for the mass base of the democrats by supporting populism, and smear the democrats by cracking down on populism. Wait until this group of populists do some uncontrollable stupid things, the masses will pursue stability. At this time, the feudal rulers who grasp science can appear as conservatives and easily get rid of the democrats."

"Do the Japanese feudal rulers have such a high level? Guys who don't even agree with the materialist conception of history, they can't have the means to accurately grasp the situation." Chen Tianhua laughed. Other comrades also couldn't help laughing. Some strategies are certainly exquisite in the eyes of socialists, but only socialists have the ability to accurately judge and control them. It is precisely because of such ability that socialists will simply not waste precious energy on such boring things.

Chen Tianhua asked: "Will Japan have a revolution?"

"That depends on the choice of the Japanese people themselves." Chen Ke replied. Even at this time, he still hadn't made up his mind to intervene in Japanese politics.