"Preparations are just about complete, aren't they?" By 1936, Nagata Tetsuzan, the head of the Control Faction, was already a Lieutenant General in the Army, officially stepping into the upper echelons of the Japanese military. He was currently discussing the next steps with Okamura Yasuji.

Over the past few years, the Control Faction's theories had become increasingly "perfected." Of course, if Kita Ikki saw Nagata Tetsuzan's plan for Japan, he would likely just sneer. It was a plan that plagiarized "successful nations"—that is, the successful experiences of Europe, America, and China—and also heavily plagiarized Kita Ikki's own proposals.

To summarize, aside from the lack of land reform, Nagata Tetsuzan planned to build a New Japan that was somewhat "similar" to China. The reason it was only "similar" was that the grassroots organization in this plan was garbage. Although the People's Party's implementation speed in China wasn't fast, and the bureaucratic class instinctively resisted it, the role of the People's Congresses at the grassroots level in China was gradually becoming prominent. The people's power of accountability was being pushed forward in fits and starts.

In contrast, Japan's grassroots level would be under complete military management, organizing the civilian populace according to the strict regimentation of the army. In theory, it was extremely tight; in reality, the military simply didn't have the manpower.

The biggest similarity between Nagata Tetsuzan's advocacy and Kita Ikki's was the establishment of state nationalization of key economic lifelines, with the state directly leading important economic policies while implementing an access system for less important economic sectors. This was originally Kita Ikki's idea, and a policy Kita Ikki had strongly lobbied Takahashi Korekiyo to implement. These had all been systematically absorbed by Nagata Tetsuzan into the Control Faction's plan.

The Control Faction also intended to implement strict controls on the news industry, comprehensive control over the education sector, and to ban the vast majority of Japanese political parties, replacing them with various social organizations led by the military.

Content derived from such plagiarism wasn't without a market in Japan. Takahashi Korekiyo also realized that Japan needed to be more forcefully "controlled," so he wanted to resolve the yakuza forces and strengthen public order. Unlike the Control Faction, Takahashi Korekiyo hoped the bureaucratic class would assume the position of rulers.

Kita Ikki, on the other hand, hoped for a people's democratic dictatorship, where Japanese laborers united to structure the future of Japan on the Soviet model.

The military, naturally, hoped the military would become the unquestionable leading force in Japan. The conflict between the three parties was profound, but on the surface, their structures for the future Japan actually had quite a few similarities.

"The people down below can hardly wait," Okamura Yasuji replied. The "China factor" was having an increasingly large influence in Japan, and not just because of its huge economic success. After the Taiwan Campaign, the Japanese military finally admitted that Japan was lagging behind China, and immediately ramped up their research on China. Land reform and equality were the most detestable things in Japanese eyes. After discarding those, China's practice of "concentrating power to accomplish big things" left a deep impression on the Japanese military.

News of China pressuring Britain, making moves against the Netherlands, and expanding its territory had an indescribably huge impact on the Japanese military. After World War I, Japan had also obtained a few small islands in the Pacific, but those islands thousands of kilometers away were just for showing off Japan's glory; their practical significance was very limited. China had easily seized territory largely equal to Japan's current land area through war, along with the rich oil resources beneath those lands, making the Japanese military drool three feet long.

If Japan had gone south back then... such fantasies made the young officers of the Japanese military feel as if twenty-five little mice were scratching inside their chests. If Japan hadn't implemented that stupid continental policy back then, but instead joined hands with China when it held the advantage, who in all of Asia could have stood against China and Japan?

The frustration of the young soldiers fueled their already burning anger. Before the First Sino-Japanese War, the entire nation of Japan had united to defeat China, with even the Emperor donating money. After defeating China, those zaibatsu, politicians, and chaotic parties began to divide Japan, causing Japan—which could have chosen the correct path—to lose its opportunity. Now, it was time to settle accounts with these people.

"There are five people who need to be dealt with now," Lieutenant General Nagata Tetsuzan produced his finalized list. "Takahashi Korekiyo, Saionji Kinmochi, Saitō Makoto, Makino Nobuaki, Suzuki Kantarō."

These five were either staunch supporters of party politics or were considered representative figures of collusion with Britain and America; all were representatives of Japan's old forces. All five were supporters of Takahashi Korekiyo's "balanced budget." Japan's monetary easing had reached a stage by 1937 where a major crisis would occur if the direction wasn't changed. A "balanced budget" meant comprehensive cuts to the military to reduce public spending.

Nagata Tetsuzan had no personal hatred for these five; he even held considerable respect for at least three of them, believing that unless it was absolutely necessary, he wouldn't ask these five to "sacrifice" themselves for Japan. Especially Takahashi Korekiyo—his financial ability was something the Army Ministry didn't possess. But Takahashi Korekiyo was capable of forcing the military to accept the demand that "no one is an exception to the implementation of fiscal austerity." That was the reason Takahashi Korekiyo had to die.

"After resolving them, it will be the turn of the Imperial Way Faction and Kita Ikki," Nagata Tetsuzan continued to Okamura Yasuji. For those people, Nagata Tetsuzan had no regrets whatsoever. That bunch was the true opponent of the Control Faction, an object that absolutely could not be let off.

"Kita Ikki seems to have sensed something," Okamura Yasuji replied. Okamura Yasuji lacked Nagata Tetsuzan's shrewdness in politics, but he was in no way inferior in specific matters. Even though he staunchly supported Nagata Tetsuzan, Okamura Yasuji still couldn't quite accept Nagata Tetsuzan's vision of a "final decisive battle between the Yellow Race and the Anglo-Saxon Race." Okamura Yasuji even thought this vision itself was too risky. Judging by the People's Party's current performance, China might very well be satisfied with the benefits it had already obtained. If China didn't go to full-scale war with Britain as Nagata Tetsuzan predicted, Japan would have absolutely no possibility of following China into war and acquiring benefits.

Nagata Tetsuzan gave a contemptuous snort. "Kita Ikki can't control the Imperial Way Faction. As long as we leak the news that Takahashi Korekiyo intends to cut the Army, someone will naturally jump out. It doesn't matter if they kill others, as long as they can get rid of these five, that's enough."

Since Nagata was so certain, Okamura Yasuji could only obey orders. In waging propaganda warfare, Okamura Yasuji did indeed have a few tricks up his sleeve. He knew very well that unless it was a monster like the People's Party, with figures like Zhang Yu and Li Runshi guiding the Chinese Propaganda Department, only then would a government dare to boldly tell the truth. Japan could essentially never do that. In political propaganda, things could not be thoroughly clarified. All problems had to be mixed together like a tangled mess of hemp. Faced with a status quo where no loose end could be found, those hot-blooded men would adopt the "cut the Gordian knot" approach. That is, the characteristic action of Japan's restoration era: "Tenchu" (Divine Retribution).

The Imperial Way Faction had always advocated killing off the zaibatsu and high officials, getting rid of party politics, and having the Emperor rule personally to implement a dictatorship. Upon learning that Takahashi Korekiyo and "others" wanted to cut the military, it wouldn't be strange for this bunch to rise up and make trouble; if they didn't rise up, it would only prove that Okamura Yasuji's propaganda work hadn't been outstanding enough.

So, shortly after Chinese representatives Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu arrived in Japan, they learned that many "rumors" had started circulating in Japan.

Since they were to go to the Lanfang region together after finishing their work in Japan, both Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu had brought thick files—intelligence regarding Lanfang. These two highly promising young members of the People's Party both firmly believed in and practiced the attitude of seeking truth from facts. Especially Li Runshi, who was a person exceptionally disinclined to evaluate things simply as good or bad, right or wrong. Doing their homework beforehand was something both chose to do without prior consultation.

But after the Chinese Ambassador to Japan provided some of the latest Japanese intelligence to Li Runshi, Li Runshi began to frown as he read. Wu Xiangyu noticed Li Runshi's unusual behavior; he picked up the documents and read for a moment, and his brow also furrowed.

The Ambassador to Japan knew the positions of these two comrades—one was a former Foreign Minister and half a Standing Committee member, the other a Vice Premier of the State Council. Intelligence that they took so seriously naturally had its special points. The Ambassador couldn't help but ask, "Is there some problem in here?"

Li Runshi replied, "To what degree has factional struggle in Japan reached?"

Japanese factional struggle had always been extremely intense, so intense that the Chinese Ambassador to Japan felt numb to it. The intelligence mentioned the most common struggle slogans: attacking someone as a traitor colluding with Britain and America, someone as a running dog of the zaibatsu, someone as a scoundrel causing chaotic party politics and blaspheming the universal suffrage system. The matter of China providing machine tools to Japan was also heavily mentioned as the trigger for everything.

The People's Party had discussed interest groups; in reality, the People's Party knew that interest groups had begun to form in China as well. The distribution of power in the feudal system had undergone new changes in the industrial age, and new interest groups were beginning to emerge. The unspoken rules of interest groups didn't value an official's private morality. According to the traditional power model, whether an official was loyal to centralized power translated into whether they were loyal to their superiors; whether their own interests could remain consistent with the small groups in various fields—these were the more important qualities for officials in the industrialization era.

Although this remark might not be taken as a joke, most comrades within the Party believed that Chen Ke possessed mentor-level ability in these rather negative ideological fields, which was also one of the driving forces behind the strict discipline within the People's Party. For example, comrades in the banking sector were extremely supportive of going to war with foreign countries. The victory against the Netherlands had once again pried open the door to Southeast Asian finance for the Chinese banking industry, and the banking industry was practically moments away from openly chanting "Long live Chairman Chen, long live, long live!"

Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu naturally couldn't be unaware of this, but the power of the People's Party Central Committee completely overwhelmed the interest groups, and the interest groups themselves hadn't formed the ability to act on their own, so Chen Ke was at most administering preventive shots. However, the latest intelligence from Japan showed an attitude that was not the People's Party's "focus on the matter, not the person," but rather completely "focus on the person, not the matter." The purpose of all the propaganda was to shape an enemy, to point out the enemy.

Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is the primary question of the revolution. Find and point out the enemy, and the next step is to strike and annihilate the enemy. Even people who hadn't heard the above saying would instinctively act this way. Moreover, these rumors spreading in Japan were inciting exactly these emotions. Blaming everything on those few people. If this were in China, these few people could basically be confirmed as finished. Although they didn't understand the situation in Japan too well, Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu both felt that a fierce struggle was imminent.

These few "named" guys were all high-ranking and powerful figures in Japan; creating speech unfavorable to them actually wasn't very useful. Mere verbal abuse definitely couldn't get rid of these people, so if someone was inciting things with such ulterior motives, there must be a deeper purpose behind it. Assassination was currently prevalent in Japan; for instance, the Minister of Education Inukai Tsuyoshi had been publicly assassinated.

In 1934, young naval officers attacked the Prime Minister's residence, the Metropolitan Police Department, the residence of Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal Makino Nobuaki, Mitsubishi Bank, the Seiyukai headquarters, and electrical substations around Tokyo. The coup failed, and Prime Minister Takahashi Korekiyo and others were not assassinated, but Inukai Tsuyoshi, the Minister of Education, was unfortunately killed. Because Inukai Tsuyoshi insisted on implementing civilian politics, demanding that the Army Minister and Navy Minister didn't have to be military men, and that the Cabinet could appoint them rather than the military recommending them. And he demanded disarmament. This thoroughly enraged the young officers of the military. Japan's economy was in a slump; if the impoverished populace wanted a better life, they could only join the Navy where they could "eat white rice at every meal," or get into a military academy.

A dignified Minister of Education was killed, and the cold-blooded murderers of Inukai Tsuyoshi were prosecuted under martial law. However, before the trial, a petition signed in blood by 350,000 people was sent to the court. The petition was initiated and signed by people across Japan who sympathized with the murderers, asking the court for leniency. During the trial, the murderers instead used the court as a propaganda stage to "promote" their absolute sincerity and loyalty to the Emperor, stirring up even more sympathy from the public, calling for reform of the government and economy. Besides the petition, the court also received another plea for mercy, sent by eleven young people from Niigata Prefecture. They requested to die in place of the eleven officers, and simultaneously enclosed eleven severed fingers to express their heartfelt sincerity.

The military was so rampant, politicians were silent as cicadas in winter or shifted their stances, and the civilians actually sympathized with the assassins, petitioning one after another. Added to the fact that the results of over a decade of true "party politics" were not as the people expected, Japanese thought gradually unified, and the era of militarism arrived. The court finally indeed gave a "lenient (extremely)" sentence, and the media expressed no doubt that the murderers who killed the Prime Minister would be released after being locked up for a few years. For the Japanese military, the conspirators of this May 15 Incident, such a light sentence for such a serious crime was a further erosion of the legal system and democratic government under the confrontation with military power.

The People's Party was extremely shocked that such a thing had happened. Public assassination itself was the crime of intentional homicide, and acting in a gang added to the crime, not to mention it was military men carrying out this action. In China, it was unimaginable for such a thing to happen, let alone for not a single person to be sentenced to death in the end.

Subsequently, Japan's "Tenchu" actions occurred repeatedly, and public death threats were endless. This time, someone in Japan was manufacturing such public opinion again, added to the Japanese government's weak response to terrorist actions; this couldn't help but make Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu intuitively sense an unusual flavor. Li Runshi had been Foreign Minister, but he wasn't a professional specializing in Japan research. The People's Party's external focus was mainly Europe and America; towards Japan, the attitude was "fight first, talk later." Even if he was suspicious, he couldn't really make a definite judgment.

As representatives of China, Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu couldn't just blindly guess without evidence. Their job was to negotiate the machine tool trade with Japan. After meeting Japanese Prime Minister Takahashi Korekiyo, the two representatives didn't see any clues from him. Takahashi Korekiyo seemed to feel no danger at all. Of course, the old man was already 82; it seemed he simply didn't care what would happen. Being able to continue working energetically was already the old man's limit.

After meeting Takahashi Korekiyo, they definitely had to meet with Japanese political figures. Kita Ikki was naturally someone they couldn't avoid. And Kita Ikki was also someone who could provide a lot of intelligence. Sure enough, Kita Ikki introduced the recent changes in Japan. Looking at the whole picture, Japan's economic recovery was also reaching its end. If they couldn't achieve a good relationship with China and obtain raw material supplies from China, Japan's steel industry couldn't possibly develop. Modern industry couldn't have any true development without enough steel.

Kita Ikki also provided a very interesting piece of news: the Control Faction within the Japanese military was actually advocating dialogue to ease relations, and even to achieve a Sino-Japanese alliance. Although this was a viewpoint proposed by the Control Faction's boss Nagata Tetsuzan a few years ago, the fact that Nagata Tetsuzan was actually doing it now was somewhat surprising.

Faced with the Chinese representatives' inquiry about whether assassination actions would occur in Japan, Kita Ikki gave a bitter smile. He said in rather implicit language, "This is Japan; there is a tradition of engaging in assassination. Although I have already tried my best to restrain the Imperial Way Faction, the Imperial Way Faction is becoming more and more radical now. There are quite a few who propose direct rule by the Emperor. They actually really want the Emperor to rule personally, never realizing that the Emperor has never let go of core power. I remember China has a saying called 'opposing corrupt officials but not the Emperor'; they haven't understood that the Emperor himself is the source of the corrupt officials' power."

Seeing Kita Ikki's attitude was so depressed, Li Runshi changed the topic. "I wonder how Comrade Kita Ikki's Anti-Feudal Alliance is coming along?"

Kita Ikki smiled bitterly. "Those in the Anti-Feudal Alliance who aren't clear-headed enough can't see a way out. Those clear-headed enough to understand Marxism have simply taken what they've learned and defected to forces with more promise. The whole movement might just die out like this."

"Can the Japanese masses really not be mobilized?" This was what Li Runshi cared about most. If theory couldn't be combined with the practice of mass movements, then it had absolutely no practical significance.

Kita Ikki replied, "Japan's reactionary forces are too powerful, surpassing the revolutionary forces. Moreover, Japan's so-called revolutionary forces are mostly populist, not supportive of democracy."

Just as Kita Ikki was discussing the Japanese situation with the Chinese representatives, a gloomy conversation was unfolding at Okawa Shumei's residence. Some young officers were sitting with Okawa Shumei. Because of their agitation, these people were in a state of mental excitement, to the point where even their facial muscles seemed somewhat distorted.

"Last time we let Takahashi Korekiyo and Makino Nobuaki escape. This time we must inflict Tenchu upon them and win a better future for Japan!" a young officer said viciously. And as the host, Okawa Shumei nodded repeatedly upon hearing this.