It was June 19, 1937, when Kuroshima Jin, the Political Commissar of the Central Garrison District of the Worker-Peasant Revolutionary Army—also known as Kuroshima Jinichirō from over thirty years ago—set foot once again on the soil of his motherland, Japan. He knew that returning to Japan in a personal capacity meant he could not receive official support from the People's Party. He also knew that Japan was currently in chaos, with assassinations occurring frequently. Yet Kuroshima Jinichirō's lifelong ideal was right before his eyes, and he held no fear.

Over thirty years ago, Kuroshima Jinichirō and a group of Japanese youths had followed Chen Tianhua onto a ship bound for China. His goal was to save Japan. He intended to leverage the power of a successful Chinese revolution to thoroughly transform Japan, eliminating all of Japan's injustices and inequalities, and building a new Japan where the Japanese people could truly live and work in peace.

Recalling those spirited days of his youth, Kuroshima Jin felt he had truly been young then. He had not imagined just how arduous the revolutionary process would be. But Kuroshima Jin had never felt any regret. The Chinese revolution had proven to what extent a more advanced society could liberate humanity. Kuroshima Jin would never again bow or kneel to anyone because of their bloodline, nor would he ever again stand helpless when witnessing injustice.

Kuroshima Jin knew very well that revolution might not necessarily bring about a heaven on earth. But without revolution, the Japanese people, including Kuroshima Jin himself, could only struggle and wail in the darkness.

Upon returning to Japan, this old man in his fifties threw himself into the revolution alongside other old fellows who already held high positions in China. They did not demand positions equivalent to their status in China; most joined the "Showa Restoration" forces as grassroots members. Any revolutionary army without political commissars would possess only passion but lack a soul.

Other administrative personnel dedicated themselves to integrating the areas already controlled by the "Showa Restoration" faction. A very interesting issue had arisen: all the power factions were waiting for the dust to settle, or at least waiting to see a clear future. Japan had a deep tradition of feudalism; after the central government was controlled, various localities in Japan quickly began to form their own territories. The "Showa Restoration" faction had not even been able to fully control the Kanto region.

Historically, many uprisings that directly controlled the center failed at this stage. Either the rebel forces could not maintain control over the central region and eventually disintegrated amidst myriad problems, finally being defeated; or they were forced to compromise with the old local power factions, ultimately allowing the fruits of the revolution to be stolen.

Kita Ikki was extremely worried about this, and Kuroshima Jin shared the same concern. The current situation was deadlocked. The new system the Showa Restoration faction wanted to establish was separated from Japan's current system by a chasm. Whether in social structure, organizational methods, or operational systems, it was vastly different from the current Japanese model. If one had to describe it, the governmental capacity of the new system was far superior to that of the current Japanese government.

Since Hirohito was as smelly and hard as a stone in a latrine, and other forces were waiting and watching, the "Showa Restoration" faction needed to seize every minute to complete their control over Japan. With China's clear support, the Japanese "Showa Restoration" faction, which seemed to be struggling domestically, actually had considerable room to maneuver.

The first step was to restore industrial and agricultural production. The original bureaucratic system largely refused to accept the Restoration faction's orders. Since this bunch wouldn't listen, the Restoration faction relied on the military force in their hands to carry out construction themselves. The Restoration faction first issued a proclamation implementing policies of "rent and interest reduction, and assistance to workers and peasants" in the areas they controlled.

In agriculture, for farmers who registered their land with the Restoration faction, land rent and taxes would not exceed 50% of the total yield. In industry, leveraging the opportunity of the People's Party opening its markets and the participation of the Navy, the Restoration faction grasped the power of import and export. In addition to transforming military-owned enterprises into state-owned enterprises, the Japanese Restoration faction also received "export credit loans" from China. This meant Japan could borrow money from China to purchase the raw materials they needed. Timber, iron ore, old equipment—the Japanese Restoration faction finally held a considerable degree of leverage.

Kuroshima Jin and his group of old fellows possessed rich military and administrative experience. With the bureaucrats refusing to cooperate, they relied on democratic centralism's election and training systems to strictly and difficultly begin building the Restoration faction's administrative system.

Within the old forces, the first to buckle was the Japanese bureaucratic system. Many among them were extremely opposed to the mutiny. After the mutiny, they chose to hide, and most high-ranking officials refused to cooperate with the mutineers. But without going to work, there were no wages. The mutiny happened in February; by July, after three months without pay, the low-level bureaucrats finally couldn't hold out. The premise of not cooperating with the rebels was that the central government still held power and strength. Now, from the Emperor to the various ministers, all the big shots were in a state of imprisonment or semi-imprisonment. Three months without work meant not only a loss of salary but also the disappearance of the perks and kickbacks that came with power.

The mutineers had lasted three months without falling, and the low-level bureaucrats were burning with anxiety. In late June and early July, they saw notices that the mutineers were organizing a temporary government, like "monkeys wearing hats." Anyone who re-registered their household residence in the Tokyo local civil affairs units controlled by the mutiny troops could apply to take the "civil servant" exam. Seeing that the Japanese "Showa Restoration" faction had actually begun their journey of power, and that this path had been yielded by the Japanese officials themselves, these guys were both surprised and terrified. Under the pressure of increasingly empty pockets and worries about their future, a group of low-level officials finally expressed their submission to the "Showa Restoration" faction through action. That is, they registered new household residences at the new civil affairs departments, obtained new ID cards, and signed up for the "civil servant" exam.

Just as these low-level Japanese officials began attempting to switch allegiances, the heads of Japan's "several major" steel conglomerates also began to make contact with the "Showa Restoration" faction. These contacts were initially initiated by the Restoration faction. Kita Ikki used his channels to propose order-based production requests to these steel enterprises. The Restoration faction would provide iron ore, and these steel enterprises would begin production.

Among the connections Kita Ikki had accumulated during the Great Kanto Earthquake, many were university students. Over the following decade or so, some relationships had grown distant, while some young people had continued to follow Kita Ikki. A significant portion of the Japan Anti-Feudal League consisted of these former young university students.

After graduation, some of these students became bureaucrats, some joined corporate groups, and some from wealthy families inherited their family businesses. With them acting as intermediaries, Kita Ikki's requests triggered intense repercussions in many enterprises.

Japan's biggest problem was a lack of raw materials and a lack of markets. To expand raw material imports and commodity exports, the Japanese Control Faction had proposed various ideas. The most interesting aspect was that within the Control Faction, views on continuing the invasion of China and being friendly towards China coexisted. Even the same person often vacillated between these two views.

Kita Ikki was a pro-China faction member, and the Japanese capitalists knew this. Capitalists focus most on profit; invading China required huge investment, and the probability of success now looked negligible. Capitalists were naturally unwilling to throw money into such a "project." Moreover, the Control Faction used war to threaten capitalists, causing them to feel strong dissatisfaction.

Since the Restoration faction had already eliminated the core members of the Control Faction and severed Emperor Hirohito's control over the military, the capitalists and zaibatsu felt it was necessary to have a good talk with Kita Ikki.

The two sides sat down together with steel as the pretext. Hasegawa Nobushige, who had returned from China, was engaged in private enterprise management. In China, industrial production had already implemented a bidding system. The industrial production bidding system included full contracting and subcontracting; after more than a decade of effort, the bidding system had become increasingly perfect. And this perfection wasn't just about a certain enterprise or group of enterprises handing over goods for money after getting an order; every enterprise had to complete the improvement of one or more production technologies and undertake a portion of scientific research projects during the bidding production process. They even had to strictly eliminate a portion of backward equipment.

This was one of the fundamental drivers of the People's Party's industrial progress, although the competition had not yet reached the cruel level of free capitalism. The People's Party never opposed competition. It used relatively orderly means to forcibly upgrade enterprise capabilities. Relying on connections to get orders while possessing only obsolete equipment and technology did exist in China. However, once such things were discovered, they faced severe punishment. It wasn't as if no one had lost their head over such fraud.

Some obsession-possessed civil servants or even Party members played tricks in this regard, making improvements in name but not achieving them in reality. Once discovered, they all went to plant trees in the Xinjiang prisons.

The Restoration faction negotiation team led by Hasegawa Nobushige shocked the entire room after negotiating with the large Japanese enterprises. The Japanese enterprises had never imagined there could be such a method. Some enterprise owners were furious, while others felt as if a new world had opened up before their eyes. The technology tree plan promoted and presided over by Kita Ikki had progressed slowly, but thanks to this promotion, Kita Ikki had had ample time to visit all of Japan's industrial zaibatsu. Many zaibatsu had once been very puzzled about how Kita Ikki's "technology tree plan" should adapt to production. This time, they finally understood what to do.

After clarifying these points, Hasegawa Nobushige discussed the role of "state supervision." Having been in China for over twenty years, Hasegawa Nobushige's Japanese was no longer that fluent; more importantly, he frequently popped out Chinese words. Some terms even required Hasegawa Nobushige to write them on a blackboard and give a specific explanation before the conversation could continue. These inconveniences did not cause any dissatisfaction among the business owners; their attention was focused on this "highly planned" system.

"Gentlemen, I do not wish to hide from you the fact that I am a communist. I am even very proud of my identity as a believer in the socialist system. One of the basic characteristics of the socialist system is that the state steps forward to promote the development of productive forces. Therefore, for any capital dedicated to operating through the development of productive forces, we will guarantee its reasonable existence. For anyone who does not attempt to use violence to overthrow the socialist system, we will not use violence to destroy them. In the long-term competition of the future, gentlemen, you will surely witness with your own eyes how the development of productive forces pushes Japan toward a more prosperous, civilized, and humane direction."

Hasegawa Nobushige's voice was filled with confidence. In his twenty-plus years in China, he had not only seen China's changes but had also thrown himself into the ranks promoting these changes, dedicating his own efforts to them.

"The Great Depression has not yet completely passed. I believe you all agree that the capitalist system has its inherent institutional defects. If you are interested, I will discuss this issue with you in detail later. What I want to say now is, if you wish for your enterprises to survive, develop, and become increasingly advanced, then no government is more reliable than a government of proletarian laborers. The feudal system and the capitalist system are not only persecuting the working people but are also persecuting you, gentlemen. What I can guarantee is that the current government cannot possibly reach such a comprehensive trade agreement with the Chinese government."

The zaibatsu and business owners were deeply impressed by these words. They actually already knew that the state-owned enterprises controlled by the Restoration faction, formed from restructured former military enterprises, had currently secured orders. Factory production was gradually recovering; due to the large volume of import and export trade with China, the employees of these enterprises had stabilized. With these enterprises as a support, the lives of low-income groups in Tokyo had surprisingly not become worse than before the mutiny.

By mid-July, more news favorable to the Restoration faction came one after another. First, the Army controlled by the Control Faction, after three consecutive months without pay, finally erupted in turmoil. Soldiers, led by lower-ranking officers, captured the upper-ranking officers of the Control Faction and sent them to Tokyo. The Restoration faction then incorporated these troops under their command. Japan's Army, Navy, and Air Force were temporarily united under one military command system. This was unprecedented for Japan.

Seeing that a civil war between armies temporarily no longer existed, the zaibatsu were fearful and uneasy, while the capitalists began to sign production agreements with the Restoration faction one after another. Synthetic ammonia enterprises had long since restored production. The steel industry, coal industry, and light industry, dominated by private enterprises, also gradually restored production.

By September 1937, no one dared to openly call what Kita Ikki and others led a "mutiny" anymore. When mentioning this major event that shook Japan, all parties basically referred to it as the "Showa Restoration."

October 1, 1937, was the 15th National Day of New China. A grand military parade was held in Zhengzhou. On the reviewing stand of the Five Star Building, representatives of the Japanese transitional government appeared.

After the National Day ceremony ended, Chen Ke met with the Japanese representatives. Looking at the young faces of the representatives, Chen Ke couldn't help but think of the years when he and his comrades had just risen up in revolution. Back then, the ranks were full of vibrant young faces. Even the oldest handsome man, Yan Fu, had hair that was only just starting to turn gray. But Yan Fu's vigor was by no means inferior to that of the young people. And now, the young revolutionaries were in Japan.

"Chairman Chen, I have come this time to ask the People's Party to provide us with technical advisors." The young Japanese representative was Lieutenant Colonel Andō Teruzō. This was his first time seeing the Supreme Commander of the Chinese Worker-Peasant Revolutionary Army. When he saw Chen Ke riding in an open-top vehicle reviewing the troops from the reviewing stand, Andō Teruzō was awed by the aura emanating from Chen Ke. As a Japanese person, Lieutenant Colonel Andō Teruzō found it hard to imagine what a person completely without disguise looked like. In China, he finally saw it.

Before coming to China, Kita Ikki had described China's leaders: "They are all people who, through studying Marxism and Chinese culture, have achieved self-liberation." This evaluation was too abstract; Andō Teruzō really couldn't imagine it.

After seeing it with his own eyes, he understood what the concept of "achieving self-liberation" meant. It wasn't just Chen Ke; Chen Ke's close comrades around him were the same. There was no need to feign dignity, no need to rely on external actions to make others associate them with "noble status." Some of them were handsome, some had looks that could only be described as distinctive. Yet every one of them possessed a strength stemming from their hearts; they were so focused, so astute, and so calm. Facing such a group of people, Lieutenant Colonel Andō Teruzō felt only a powerful pressure. When presenting the Japanese Restoration faction's request to Chen Ke, Andō Teruzō's voice couldn't help but tremble slightly.

Many years later, Andō Teruzō finally understood the true reason for his trembling back then. When a vibrant person's every action is so self-possessed, so calm, without any waste of strength or movement, Andō Teruzō instinctively believed that if Chen Ke wanted Andō Teruzō's life, he could take it with ease. This wasn't fear of Chen Ke refusing, but the instinctual reaction of the weak facing the strong.

Chen Ke agreed to the request brought by Lieutenant Colonel Andō Teruzō. He smiled and said, "The Japanese members within our People's Party have been waiting for the revolutionary forces of Japan to make such a request."

Thinking of the strength displayed by revolutionary predecessors like Kuroshima Jin in Japan, Andō Teruzō's attention wavered for a moment. Flustered for a second, Andō Teruzō replied, "We hope China can send more supporters."

"If more supporters are needed, the Japanese government needs to formally make a request to us," Chen Ke replied.

"Are you referring to the difficulties that will be encountered in implementing land reform in Japan?" Because of prior discussions with Kuroshima Jin, Lieutenant Colonel Andō Teruzō understood Chen Ke's words and jumped the issue directly to Chen Ke's line of thought.

"Historically, the rapid development of industrialization in any country happened after the elimination of the feudal system. Japan also needs to pass through this stage," Chen Ke replied. After the US occupied Japan, relying on powerful military force, it pushed through land reform in Japan. It was just rarely mentioned in history. Neither the US nor Japan publicized this matter heavily. Without passing this stage, the Japanese revolution could not speak of a staged victory.

During the conversation, Andō Teruzō gradually discovered that in areas where he had understood Kuroshima Jin and others' ideas and turned them into his own understanding, he could keep up with Chen Ke's train of thought. If Andō Teruzō conversed with Chen Ke based on his own ideas, he would be defeated by the logic Chen Ke presented. This wasn't Chen Ke making things difficult for Andō Teruzō, but Andō Teruzō discovering that his own erroneous logic and understanding would inevitably lead to absurd errors when deducing the future. The more they talked, the more alarmed Andō Teruzō felt. Could it be that there really were absolutely correct human beings in this world?

After the conversation with Chen Ke ended, Andō Teruzō actually felt he had calmed down. He discovered it wasn't that China didn't want to help the Japanese revolution, but that the Japanese revolution itself still had many fatal defects. Before meeting Chen Ke, Kuroshima Jin and others had said similar things. Perhaps because he had inwardly acknowledged Chen Ke's authoritative status, the conversation with Chen Ke made Andō Teruzō's view of things much clearer.

As if to verify Chen Ke's view that the Japanese upper class would launch a desperate counterattack against the Japanese revolution, after the conversation with Chen Ke ended, Andō Teruzō received news from Japan. Kita Ikki had encountered an assassination attempt. The perpetrator was Hirohito. Fortunately, Hirohito's marksmanship was poor, and his excessive movements before drawing his gun alerted Kita Ikki, so he was only wounded in the arm.