After visiting several scientific research institutions, Li Runshi led Zhang Yu to visit a technical school. China had officially established an eight-year compulsory education system: five years of primary school and three years of junior middle school. After graduating from junior middle school, students would either enter a technical school or continue to senior high school. After graduating from senior high school, they would again choose to enter a technical college or a university.

Of course, regardless of academic qualifications, the People's Party implemented a policy of equal pay for equal work. Income after graduation had little to do with academic qualifications; the gap in wages between skilled workers and scientific researchers was not significant. Rewards were entirely targeted at technological breakthroughs or technical innovations and improvements, generally referred to collectively as patents.

Although Li Runshi was in charge of this matter, during the adjustment of state-owned enterprises, he stayed at the grassroots level and went down to the workshops. He did a large amount of research work and finally proposed, "Cadres participate in labor, workers participate in management; reform unreasonable rules and regulations; managers and workers combine in production practice and technological revolution."

In the earliest industrial production units of the People's Party, there were no so-called management positions. All units were only divided into frontline workers and training positions, and these training positions were the responsibility of skilled old workers. Such an allocation gradually encountered resistance. One of the pillars of the feudal guild system was the apprenticeship system. China was not much different from foreign countries; both implemented technological blockades and guild barriers. Many old masters simply did not want to teach their "unique skills" to others. Moreover, many new workers did not necessarily join the workforce with the attitude of truly improving their personal labor standards.

In order to counter traditional feudalism and improve efficiency, training positions were gradually separated and became management positions. This solved the problem for a time, but the speed of industrial development was too fast. Because the training positions were detached from frontline production, the update of technical levels began to gradually drag behind. Therefore, more complex management positions and technical positions also gradually appeared. While these positions promoted the improvement of production levels in some aspects, they also hindered the improvement of production levels in other aspects. Trying to find a balance between management and efficiency was difficult beyond imagination.

Zhang Yu agreed very much with Li Runshi's views. One of Chen Ke's advantages was that the system he established showed its "advanced nature" more and more as industrial development progressed. The follow-up effects of such rapid development also began to manifest. The people were increasingly drawn into the industrial age and broke away from the agricultural system. The people began to try to form their own views on industrialized China. Li Runshi discovered that even within the People's Party, the reaction to the industrial age among the people was not necessarily one of approval.

Selecting managers step by step from among the laborers and grassroots personnel was the People's Party's method. It was just that this method still lacked a more systematic theory to guide it. Everyone hoped to do less work and gain more benefits. Even if one could willingly undertake hard work, they still hoped that their relatives and children could be more comfortable and at ease. Even though Chen Ke had paid great attention to a realistic attitude since the beginning of the revolution and never gave any unrealistic descriptions of the revolution, how to enable the people to face reality remained a big problem.

Just as Zhou Shuren wrote in "On Life", he frankly stated: Artsybashev once used his novels to question the idealists who dreamed of a future golden world. Since to build that world, many people must first be roused to suffer. He said, "You promise a golden world to their descendants, but what do you give to them themselves?" There is something, which is the hope of the future. But the price is too great. For this hope, people's senses must be sharpened so that they feel their own suffering more deeply, and their souls must be summoned to witness the rotting corpses of their own selves. Only telling lies and dreaming seem great at such times. So I think, if no way can be found, what we want is dreams; but not dreams of the future, only dreams of the present.

As the Minister of Propaganda, Li Runshi himself knew very well that what Zhou Shuren said was "not dreams of the future, only dreams of the present," but those who opposed labor focused on what seemed to be opposition to the People's Party in this article. "You promise a golden world to their descendants, but what do you give to them themselves?"

Undoubtedly, this "them" referred to the Chinese people at present. The discomfort, confusion, and severe pain of social change were all borne by these people. On the contrary, the younger generation was born in an era that had begun to industrialize rapidly and was industrialized to a considerable extent, and would become even more industrialized in the future. They were a generation created by industrialization itself. The agricultural era was the past for them, or even a kind of story. For the group of people who possessed privileges in the agricultural era, and for the group of people who completely lost their privileges in the industrial age, the People's Party, which initiated, led, and continuously promoted China's industrialization, was evil itself.

Li Runshi discussed these issues with Zhang Yu, and Zhang Yu listened very seriously. This was the irrefutable status quo of China. A few years ago, there had been a discussion in China about which era was harder for people, the agricultural era or the industrial era. At first, many opinions held that the agricultural era was harder. After all, not everyone could bear the high-intensity physical labor during the busy farming seasons in the agricultural era. But after these comparisons deepened, this view changed.

The industrial age indeed made life more convenient, with more nutrition, more medical care, and more knowledge. The absolute intensity of physical labor during busy farming seasons was constantly decreasing. But from another perspective, in the past, only farmers had the opportunity to be busy all year round. Now, men and women in the entire society have to be busy all year round. With the division of labor in society, the amount of labor paid by everyone has only increased, not decreased. The use of machines, the emergence of more new industries, and the continuous improvement of the industrial chain meant that laborers in industrial society were working harder, and the absolute number of people who could become laborers was several times that of the agricultural era.

What is the purpose of working so hard? This question was placed before the masses of the people.

If one were to recall bitterness and think of sweetness, working so hard is for the revolution, for the children, to bring glory to one's ancestors... of course, countless explanations can be found. However, everyone had to reflect on one thing: "Promising a golden world to our descendants, then what is there for us ourselves?" Is it just endless hardship? Is it just endless labor? If labor and hardship are the essence of the world, then what is the so-called golden age?

The Chinese people are a great people. The questions these old-era literati tried to raise did not get much response among the people. The people did not like suffering, but they were accustomed to labor. A sentence "If you don't work, what will you eat? Will it fall from the sky? Will a crow shit it out?" made the working masses fundamentally not follow those old literati and their disciples. However, this universal reflection that was beginning to appear in society was only the beginning now, not the end.

Zhang Yu listened quietly to Li Runshi's words, and then smiled: "The masses are right. If you don't work, what will you eat? Will it fall from the sky? Will a crow shit it out? Comrade Li Runshi, regarding your personal qualifications and character, the vast majority of comrades have no objections. Your strategic level is also generally recognized. The only thing I worry about is one thing. After your generation takes over the country, what you have to do is not just continue to promote the development of China's social productive forces, but also face many problems that we have not encountered. You have to continue to promote the development of the socialist system and communist theory itself. You will work harder than us."

"Haha." Li Runshi also laughed. It was not a humble laugh, nor a polite laugh for the occasion, but the hearty laugh unique to those who know the road is difficult but continue to move forward bravely.

Zhang Yu continued: "To use an analogy, our generation only needs to lay down a large family business. We don't have much time left. When we die and go to see Marx, we can also tell him that materialism tells us that without a material foundation, all thoughts, viewpoints, literature, and art are empty talk. The work we do is to complete this initial accumulation of material. Similarly, as long as there is a strong and rich material foundation, all thoughts, viewpoints, literature, and art will inevitably prosper. As for how prosperous it can be, we will ask Comrade Li Runshi after he comes. Let's not engage in the Chinese tradition of saying the present is not as good as the past. As materialists, we should believe in the advancement of the times. It is a normal society where the past is not as good as the present."

With Zhang Yu's clear support and agreement, Li Runshi also breathed a sigh of relief. In terms of theoretical framework, especially the theoretical framework at the current stage, Chen Ke obviously had no good solution. Even though this new era was an era opened up by Chen Ke, Chen Ke's theoretical guidance seemed to have reached its wit's end in this era.

As always, Chen Ke was still able to put forward quite unique and even brilliant views on social systems, such as a flat society, such as the information age. However, everything Chen Ke proposed had too high requirements for technology and the level of productive forces. Li Runshi clearly felt that Chen Ke was stalling for time and adjusting social contradictions. Whether the contradictions would erupt first, or the technological progress Chen Ke spoke of would be completed first, was likely a matter of luck. At present, China's contradictions, the People's Party's contradictions, and the contradictions between the people and social development had all reached a very intense degree.

Li Runshi and Zhang Yu talked about problems in the production field. He himself was very opposed to those who sat in offices. Although the modern enterprise management ideas proposed by Chen Ke were advanced, there was a problem of "investors" and "producers". The main contradiction between investors and producers was the contradiction of profit. After capital was in the hands of the state, the bureaucratic system could easily interfere with distribution through power. Most members of the People's Party were the backbone of various industries. After adopting the civil service system, officials were developing in the direction of "government employees" rather than high-and-mighty bureaucrats. It was just that there were constant conflicts between the traditional perceptions of the old era and the various production relations of the new era.

Whoever controlled capital controlled everything. This practical problem was already the biggest contradiction in China's social development. After entering the industrial age, all problems were gradually linked to this main contradiction.

Looking again now at Chen Ke making the banking industry engaged in monetary business independent of the bureaucratic system, this was a very foresightful action. When the bureaucratic system tried to intervene in capital operations, this dam blocked the wishes of the bureaucratic system. However, Li Runshi did not have much confidence in how long this dam could hold. This was not a moral issue of the bureaucratic system, but rather that the bureaucratic system and power were tentatively constantly expanding their own domains. Even if it was Chen Ke blocking them, the bureaucratic system would not just obediently stop probing.

Li Runshi said: "Unless the people are the masters of their own house and the people implement comprehensive supervision over state affairs. Otherwise, we have no way to stop bureaucracy from seizing power. Bureaucracy seizing power means the restoration of the feudal system in a large sense."

Zhang Yu smiled, "In that case, our propaganda department will have to face the almost endless attacks of populism. As long as the people do not actively pursue science, the people will always use populism for immediate interests, and populism will also fully use the people. Plus some extremist clowns jumping around, the two will be entangled like this. And the bureaucratic system will try even more to entangle these things together, trying to demand greater power. That's roughly what it's about."

With such an almost unsolvable problem placed before them, Zhang Yu's tone was full of mockery. After entering the brand-new industrial age, what was displayed before their eyes was not only magnificence, not only progress. Looking from Zhang Yu's "dark" perspective, it was rather like a disaster was approaching, reaching an imminent point.

"Comrade Li Runshi, I have always thought that Comrade Chen Ke does not seem like a human being. I am already called very dark, but I personally think that if I am dark, then Comrade Chen Ke is looking at this world from an endless abyss. He has never had any illusions about this world, nor does he have any special goodwill towards this world. And you have one point that I admire very much. You are too good to people. As long as there is a glimmer of possibility, you will try to save other people's souls. Comrade Chen Ke just holds on tight and doesn't let go. Changing the world is more like a burden, a mission for Comrade Chen Ke. And for you, it is a cause you are willing to struggle for. On this point, I actually hope you can persist in being yourself. In many times, we need ideals." After Zhang Yu finished speaking, he sighed deeply. Li Runshi could not quite understand whether Zhang Yu himself regarded the revolution as a mission or joined the revolution with an idealistic attitude. In this regard, Zhang Yu was a very difficult guy to see through.

After roughly understanding the latest situation and the main domestic contradictions, Zhang Yu no longer continued to look, but returned to Zhengzhou with Li Runshi.

The attitude of the Political Bureau of the People's Party regarding whether to fully mobilize was quite inconsistent. Surprisingly, the Military Commission was quite conservative; their plan was merely to advance into Australia and New Zealand. On the contrary, other comrades in the Political Bureau hoped to thoroughly liberate Asia, especially to "liberate" the oil-rich Middle East region. This ulterior motive had even reached the point where the comrades were too lazy to articulate it.

In this regard, the banking, industrial, and commercial departments, which originally had many contradictions, formed an alliance at this time. Their attitudes were unprecedentedly consistent, all demanding to do their utmost to personally liberate Asia. They were the hardliners who most hoped to implement total war.

The Military Commission only approved of expanding the navy, hoping to divide the Pacific Ocean in half with the United States. China accepted the fact of the United States' presence in the Philippines, but the islands in the Western Pacific, South Pacific, and Central Pacific other than that would be managed by China. Since there was such a plan, what the Military Commission proposed was a short-term strategy. End all wars in these regions as much as possible within a year, so that after the Americans expanded their army and prepared for war, they would not find an opportunity to enter the war in these regions.

Obviously, the Military Commission's plan was firstly a "short-term strategy". As for the future long-term strategy, it was not that the Military Commission did not have its own attitude, but dragging it that far at this time would be entirely harmful and of no benefit to the war process.

As soon as Zhang Yu and Li Runshi returned to Zhengzhou, they were swept into this dispute. If the support of Zhang Yu, a member of the Central Advisory Commission, could be obtained, and the approval of Li Runshi, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, could be obtained, it would probably determine China's final decision in the war. In this regard, Chen Ke himself would always abide by the resolutions of the Party Committee. Chen Ke also had no way to reverse things that could be determined at the Party Committee meeting.

Zhang Yu's only response to these arguments was to demand that everyone adhere to the system of making decisions at Party Committee meetings, and he did not put forward any personal opinions. But this attitude already proved Zhang Yu's point of view: the more selfish people were, the less they dared to openly veto Chen Ke's opinions at the Party Committee meeting. The few times Chen Ke's opinions were vetoed, the content discussed had nothing to do with Chen Ke himself, and was completely a matter of judging the case as it stood. Zhang Yu's attitude had already expressed his position, and now those comrades didn't even dare to lobby Li Runshi.

Chen Ke, who was at the center of this entanglement of interests, did not consider the issues of any interest groups at all. The war must go on. Chen Ke was very clear about this. Once the bow is drawn, there is no turning back. Modern warfare must definitely be fought until the final total collapse of one side. Therefore, Chen Ke himself was opposed to the plan of implementing general mobilization. In recent years, Chen Ke had become increasingly uneasy about the expansion of the bureaucratic system. The Soviet Union was an example. Uncle Iron Man was good in every way, but he didn't see through the essence of the bureaucratic system. Of course, it could be said that the Soviet Union's feudal era was not long enough, and the overall social management level was relatively lagging after entering the industrial age. As a result, as soon as Uncle Iron Man died, the bureaucratic system turned the tables, and even Comrade Beria was killed. Since then, the Soviet Union had become a country where the bureaucratic system blotted out the sky.

If the interest groups hadn't made a fuss this time, Chen Ke might still have had some illusions. But the interest groups started to make a fuss. Instead of establishing a more scientific production mode by developing productive forces first, they obtained the interests of various groups through the channel of fighting for more distribution rights. This made Chen Ke suddenly wake up.

At the Political Bureau meeting, Chen Ke couldn't help but look at Lu Huitian, Vice Chairman of the National People's Congress, many times. Comrade Lu Huitian was undoubtedly jumping very happily in this.

If he were twenty years younger, Chen Ke would not have the patience he has now. This is also the result of absorbing historical experience.

There was a tragedy in history. Back then, Chairman Mao questioned the capitalist roaders within the party, and as a result, the representative figure of the bureaucratic system asked back, "Who are the capitalist roaders?!"

Chairman Mao couldn't hold back for a moment and named a few names. Soon, those few people lost their lives after being attacked in the armed struggles. Chairman Mao suffered enough in personnel struggles. He had always been most opposed to personnel struggles. Once political struggles turned into personnel struggles, it was destined that big trouble would occur. Many careerists would immediately jump out to muddy the waters.

Chen Ke knew that he was far from being made a figurehead now, so no matter how dissatisfied he was in his heart, he had to hold it in. This was Chen Ke's obligation.