133 Chaotic Battle (13)

As a sovereign state, or at least a region of Malaya that had just become a sovereign state, the feelings of these people were complex when the Chinese troops voluntarily withdrew. After being colonized by the British for so many years, they were finally liberated; the joy was indescribable. However, without a strong country behind them, the feeling of unease was very strong.

It is not difficult to establish a country, but it is extremely difficult to establish a country with a unified sense of identity. For example, the choice of East Malaya was very different from that of West Malaya. East Malaya is on Borneo, where the Chinese population is very large. The Communist organization in East Malaya finally felt that they might as well apply to be incorporated into China.

West Malaya also has quite a few Chinese, who even occupy considerable capital and status locally. Unlike East Malaysia, the Chinese in West Malaya were more willing to establish a pro-China Chinese regime. The reason was simple: the palm oil plantation economy in West Malaya was developed. Apart from the palm oil plantations built by China on leased local land, the rest were plantations opened by local Chinese who followed the trend in recent years. These people all knew that one of China's basic national policies was land revolution. If a socialist system were implemented, land reform would inevitably be carried out. Losing land ownership, they would no longer be able to get their share of benefits from land proceeds.

There are individuals who betray their class, but there is no class that betrays its interests. Instead, the Chinese capitalists in West Malaysia united with the local ethnic groups in an attempt to establish an independent country.

Different concepts of nation-building triggered a split within the Malayan Communist Party. A split in a political party could still be considered a peaceful breakup. As the Chairman of the Military Commission and the General Political Commissar of the Southern Theater Command Frontline Headquarters, Li Runshi saw these situations more clearly. In his report to the Central Committee, Li Runshi wrote:

"...In summary, in all regions where capitalist forces are not strong, whether Chinese or locals, there is an urgent desire to join China and become Chinese citizens enjoying common political and economic rights with a powerful China. However, in regions where capitalist forces are relatively strong, if we completely respect their choices, they will certainly choose independent nationhood. There are also some regions where traditional Chinese societies hold the greatest local influence; their reason for inclining towards independent nationhood is that they hope to establish a country where the status of the Chinese is higher than that of other local ethnic groups, with China's power as a background..."

Chen Ke finished reading the report and smiled at the comrades of the Politburo, "It's nothing more than that set of feudalism and capitalism."

"Chairman Chen, can we not set up wrong examples this time?" Lu Huitian said.

"Why not?" Chen Ke asked back.

*Why not? Because the purpose of you setting up these examples is to strike at our comrades within the Party.* The words in Lu Huitian's heart almost blurted out.

The "model projects" Chen Ke established can be described as having outstanding achievements. Because Chen Ke advocated grasping capital operations, "the socialist system must have a financial industry stronger than the capitalist system." At the same time, Chen Ke also "with great foresight" described the devastating results of the capitalist financial system. He even explained very clearly some specific ways they would get into trouble.

Mastering the financial industry equals mastering huge opportunities; this is the unit where it is easiest to produce political achievements. Many comrades felt that Chen Ke tied their hands and feet, preventing them from fully exerting their strength. But then, whether it was the Great Depression that occurred abroad or the "bankruptcy storm" in Jiangsu, all of them verified Chen Ke's former "prophecies" almost word for word.

This certainly reinforced Chen Ke's status and increased the weight of his voice, but many comrades did not think Chen Ke did this to protect everyone. "If he hadn't controlled it so strictly back then, we could have made a fortune from it!" There were quite a few people holding such views. Some even felt that since Chen Ke knew such things would definitely happen, why didn't he lay out a layout in advance to make a big fortune from it?

All the wrong examples are confirming the darkness in the human heart. The Party certainly received education, but facing such a leader who could see through the darkness, everyone would certainly be in awe, but would not like him. Because when seeing Chen Ke, everyone would often think of their own deeds. Moreover, everyone knew that they could at most deceive Chen Ke for a moment, but could not deceive Chen Ke for a lifetime.

"I think since we already know that things will definitely go wrong, why not lead them on the correct path from the very beginning?" Lu Huitian still proposed a very common argument.

"We always say that the state is a tool of class rule; the state exists only because of contradictions. This kind of thing is not so easy to understand. Without these negative examples, without these various attempts, the people cannot see the truth clearly." Chen Ke smiled.

This was what Chen Ke learned in history. Just like the Soviet Union's contribution to China in Chen Ke's spacetime.

When China needed a path, the Soviet Union guided China. When China needed industrialization, the Soviet Union helped China. When China turned to cooperate with the US and Europe, the Soviet Union provided the bargaining chips for China to change its allegiance. When China reached a dangerous juncture, the Soviet Union warned China with its own disintegration.

Even after the Soviet Union's demise, it did not forget to use various strange and bizarre ways of dying to educate China: Russia told us the outcome of nationwide privatization and oligarchs running rampant; Belarus and Kazakhstan demonstrated the consequences of political ossification and leaders holding power for life; and as for what kind of foul atmosphere would result after those public intellectuals, verified influencers, keyboard warriors, freedom fighters, "industry consciences," and street politicians came to power, Ukraine pinched its nose and forcibly tried it once for the Chinese to see...

"If there are no Legalist scholars and advisors within, and no hostile states or foreign threats without, the state will generally perish!" More than two thousand years ago, Mencius used an extremely precise description to clarify the method for a country to maintain vitality. China has a long history; it is precisely by taking history as a mirror that China has been able to exist for thousands of years. Even after entering the dustbin of history several times, China was able to crawl out again with difficulty.

Chen Ke could understand many of Lu Huitian's thoughts, because in the spacetime Chen Ke was in, there were very, very many people with the same views as Lu Huitian. Chen Ke was not a guy born naturally wise and brilliant; he was just an ordinary person. Without the accumulation of a large number of facts he had seen, Chen Ke himself would just be a bastard. So Chen Ke did not agree with Lu Huitian's view. He said: "Comrade Lu Huitian, in the current world, classes have not withered away. Our People's Party has its own class nature and our own strong class standpoint. We are not a so-called party of the whole people, nor do we represent the class interests of all Chinese people. Since classes will exist for a long time, class struggle will exist for a long time. We need a large number of living teaching materials."

Since Chen Ke's attitude was so clear, Lu Huitian knew that this matter had been decided. No one in the Party dared to challenge Chen Ke, at least no one dared to challenge Chen Ke directly. If Lu Huitian were to do so, those comrades who firmly supported Chen Ke might be better to deal with. Those guys attempting to rise to power, even including people who once stood in the same trench as Lu Huitian, would very likely stab Lu Huitian in the back. Having experienced so many storms, Lu Huitian was very clear about this.

After the meeting adjourned, Lu Huitian returned to his office in a depressed mood. He brewed a cup of tea but did not sit down to drink it; instead, he stood in front of the window with his hands behind his back, looking outside casually. To be fair, Lu Huitian respected Chen Ke very much. Chen Ke was a man of great breadth of mind; even knowing the existence of line struggle, Chen Ke only fought head-on and did not engage in any personnel struggles. In the Chinese history books Lu Huitian had read, such a person could be said to be an unprecedentedly wise ruler. Even those ancient Three Kings who were from long ago and were extremely beautified might have just been like this.

But Chen Ke was definitely not a "Benevolent Ruler" as described by the Confucians. Perhaps Chen Ke could be considered what Laozi described: "Heaven and Earth are not humane; they treat the ten thousand things like straw dogs. The Sage is not humane; he treats the common people like straw dogs."

What Lu Huitian opposed most about Chen Ke was precisely this point. A person who was never based on the various desires originating from the human flesh might be very respectable, but was definitely very terrifying. Beside Chen Ke, while one could see heaven, one could also clearly see hell. Lu Huitian did not like seeing hell at all; he knew he was not as bold and fearless as Chen Ke, daring to face all realities. Lu Huitian hoped to eliminate hell forever, even if it was mandatory. Although Lu Huitian also knew that this was definitely not his most fundamental and original thought, he could only choose such a course of action at this time. Because like Chen Ke, he was also almost sixty years old. At this age, the elderly's ability to endure pain was actually not as good as that of young people. Young people have the ability to endure because they do not know the outcome. The elderly, having experienced so much pain, know that they actually do not have the courage to persist.

To solidify what has already been done well, leaving some room for modification. This is enough. Lu Huitian did not think he could go up another floor in terms of status or other matters. What he wanted to oppose now was Chen Ke's attitude of always pursuing change. If the purpose of building a world with one's own hands is to destroy this world, then what is all the hard work for?

Thinking of this, Lu Huitian sat back in his seat. He began to pick up his pen to write a letter.

A few days later, Li Runshi received Lu Huitian's letter. As the current number one in the People's Party's Southern Theater, Li Runshi held a cigarette between his fingers. After carefully analyzing Lu Huitian's thoughts, his brows unfurrowed.

Li Runshi was a person with an extremely powerful spirit. He was never a weakling in spirit, so it was hard for him to understand the mentality of the weak. Fortunately, the People's Party opened up the study of human behavior, which finally opened a relatively scientific path for this strong man to understand the weak. So Li Runshi did not think there was any problem with Lu Huitian's suggestion.

From the perspective of the bureaucratic system, this suggestion even had considerable rationality. It's just that from the perspective of revolution promoting social progress, this line of thought appeared not revolutionary enough, not brave enough.

Just as Li Runshi was thinking about how to reply to Lu Huitian, Wu Xiangyu came. This administrator, recognized as extremely perfect, asked Li Runshi with a sullen face, "Runshi, have you received any letter?"

"You received one too?" Li Runshi replied. Lu Huitian had stated in the letter that a letter was also sent to Wu Xiangyu. Li Runshi naturally knew why Wu Xiangyu came to find him.

"I think this matter should not be discussed publicly," Wu Xiangyu continued with a sullen face.

"I think so too," Li Runshi replied. Li Runshi was never a harsh person; he was quite tolerant towards everyone.

"My meaning is, neither of us should reply to this matter," Wu Xiangyu replied.

"Why?" Li Runshi was a bit strange, "It's just a discussion on policy. There's no need to avoid suspicion to this extent, right?"

"What if someone leaks the views within the Party? Then what will the countries about to become independent think?" Wu Xiangyu's answer indicated that he did not care about the line struggle within the Party, but had great distrust of the discipline within the Party.

Now, Li Runshi's expression also became unsightly, "I still have confidence in the discipline within the Party..."

Wu Xiangyu interrupted Li Runshi, "And you also believe that everyone makes mistakes, right?"

Li Runshi really thought so; he never thought that there was anyone who wouldn't make mistakes.

Wu Xiangyu sat straight opposite Li Runshi. The expression on his handsome face became even more serious, "Comrade Runshi, I am not worried about Comrade Lu Huitian. Daring to straightforwardly express one's own views is part of the democracy within the People's Party. But this matter concerns the entire foreign policy. The Center handed the entire South to us; you and I both know the Center's purpose. We are facing not just this little debate within the Party. If it were a domestic debate, what would it matter how fierce the debate is? This matter is not purely a domestic issue; now we have to face the future of the entire South, and there are too many enemies in this."

"I don't think it's necessary to expand this matter," Li Runshi replied slowly.

"I don't suggest doing so either. Of course, I also don't suggest we write back to Comrade Lu Huitian. Sometimes saying nothing already indicates an attitude," Wu Xiangyu replied.

In terms of how to maintain Party unity and how to make the system operate better, Li Runshi knew deeply that he was not as good as Wu Xiangyu. But regarding the treatment of this matter, Li Runshi felt that Wu Xiangyu was perhaps underestimating the old comrade a bit too much. He did not believe that Chen Ke and Lu Huitian would do anything against the Party's constitution. If Lu Huitian was only for himself, he had absolutely no need to write to Li Runshi and Wu Xiangyu. Unless there was some conspiracy in this. But Li Runshi did not believe Lu Huitian would engage in any conspiracy.

On this level of policy, engaging in conspiracy could not hoodwink Chen Ke. If it couldn't hoodwink Chen Ke, then any conspiracy was useless.

"This is not about other things. I don't suggest you reply," Wu Xiangyu said very, very seriously, not knowing if he had seen through Li Runshi's thoughts.

"Then should I write to Chairman Chen?" Li Runshi finally asked.

"No. Write nothing. We cannot get involved in this matter. We have already received instructions from the Center," Wu Xiangyu replied.