Having received Chen Ke's relatively clear support, Hirohito's courage grew significantly. After thinking it over, he decided not to return to Japan for the time being. Gathering the former high officials, Hirohito held a meeting. Old fellows like Suzuki Kantaro were physically failing, and this trip to China had completely drained their spirit. Regarding Hirohito's thoughts, the old fellows just listened. When the middle-aged former officials saw Hirohito raise the topic, they were also stunned. The content of the discussion was "Whether a socialist system can coexist with the Imperial system."

This seemed like a ridiculous topic. At least in this world, although monarchy has been combined with aristocratic republican systems, there is still a very subtle difference. The British system is a constitutional monarchy, while the Japanese system is a monarchy with a constitution. It uses the constitution to guarantee the sanctity and unshakability of the Imperial system.

Chapter 1 of the *Constitution of the Empire of Japan* stipulates as follows:

Article 1: The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.

Article 3: The Emperor is sacred and inviolable.

Article 4: The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises them, according to the provisions of the present Constitution.

Article 5: The Emperor exercises the legislative power with the consent of the Imperial Diet.

Article 6: The Emperor gives sanction to laws and orders them to be promulgated and executed.

Article 7: The Emperor convokes the Imperial Diet, opens, closes, and prorogues it, and dissolves the House of Representatives.

Article 8: The Emperor, in consequence of an urgent necessity to maintain public safety or to avert public calamities, issues, when the Imperial Diet is not sitting, Imperial Ordinances in the place of law. Such Imperial Ordinances are to be laid before the Imperial Diet at its next session, and when the Diet does not approve the said Ordinances, the Government shall declare them to be invalid for the future.

Article 9: The Emperor issues or causes to be issued, the Ordinances necessary for the carrying out of the laws, or for the maintenance of the public peace and order, and for the promotion of the welfare of the subjects. But no Ordinance shall in any way alter any of the existing laws.

Article 10: The Emperor determines the organization of the different branches of the administration, and salaries of all civil and military officers, and appoints and dismisses the same. Exceptions especially provided for in the present Constitution or in other laws, shall be in accordance with the respective provisions (bearing thereon).

Article 11: The Emperor has the supreme command of the Army and Navy.

Article 12: The Emperor determines the organization and peace standing of the Army and Navy.

Article 13: The Emperor declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties.

Article 14: The Emperor declares a state of siege. The conditions and effects of a state of siege shall be determined by law.

Article 15: The Emperor confers titles of nobility, rank, orders and other insignia of honor.

Article 16: The Emperor orders amnesty, pardon, commutation of punishments and rehabilitation.

Article 17: A Regency shall be instituted in conformity with the provisions of the Imperial House Law. The Regent shall exercise the powers appertaining to the Emperor in His name.

This is Japan's constitution, and also where Japan's power structure lies. The reason the Imperial Way Faction once believed in "Revere the Emperor, Destroy the Traitors" was based on foundations including tradition as well as constitutional support.

Because the Showa Restoration met with Hirohito's extreme resistance, the Showa Restorationists had to bypass Hirohito, and government decrees were implemented by the cabinet formed by the new government and the new Japanese Socialist Liberal Democratic Party.

After visiting China, Hirohito discovered that China's national and political structure did not reject "leader autocracy." Chen Ke's actual status in China far exceeded Hirohito's status in Japan even at his most powerful. This actually gave Hirohito a feeling of broadened horizons.

"Japan's current problem is that the Emperor does not rule directly. Most importantly, the Emperor is not the highest leader of the political party," Hirohito said. In his view, Chen Ke was China's highest leader, and all actions from inside to out were ultimately responsible to Chen Ke. The formulation and implementation of the People's Party's policies were all led by Chen Ke. This was the form of power in China at the current stage.

Hearing Hirohito's statement, these former high officials were all very uncomfortable. There was a huge difference between the Japanese Emperor and the Chinese leader. The biggest difference lay in the fact that the Japanese Emperor was the object to which the Japanese people must dedicate themselves, while the Chinese people were the object to which Chen Ke must dedicate himself. The law guaranteed the Emperor's supreme status, but no law guaranteed a natural relationship between Chen Ke and power.

Hirohito wanted to become Japan's Chen Ke. This idea was good. But this idea had no content based on law; it was entirely a matter of personal ability. Although the former high officials held no malice towards Hirohito, they did not believe that Hirohito could reach Chen Ke's height in technology, military affairs, or politics. Pursuing something beyond one's ability would result in "trying to draw a tiger but ending up with a dog."

Seeing that this bunch of useless fellows had not understood his thoughts at all, Hirohito was quite disappointed. He personally did not care whether he could reach Chen Ke's height. What he wanted now was to regain power, or at least not lose any more power. The method to achieve this goal was actually quite simple. As long as Hirohito clearly expressed his support for the socialist system and established the socialist system as Japan's national policy, with the calling power of the Japanese Emperor, Hirohito would be able to return to at least the nominal peak of power. He would not be under house arrest and isolated from Japanese politics as he was now.

This kind of political maneuvering was something that could not be explained directly. If Hirohito dared to explain it so directly, the result was destined to be a tragedy. Regardless of whether he was willing to make revolution or not, Hirohito had to show an attitude that he was willing to make revolution.

At this moment, Hirohito looked at the group of useless things in front of him and suddenly remembered a sentence from the People's Party's political class: "Hypocrisy is the homage that vice must pay to virtue!"