After Chen Ke returned to Zhengzhou, he received a formal announcement delivered by the US Minister to China. Roosevelt invited Chen Ke to visit the United States. Previously, no matter what kind of invitation or major international conference it was, Chen Ke had always sent others to attend. This time, however, Chen Ke readily agreed to the invitation.

"The reason I am willing to go out now is partly because Roosevelt is very important, and another reason is that I am no longer afraid of death," Chen Ke explained at the Standing Committee meeting. "If it were before, I would worry that if something happened to me, many tasks would be interrupted. Now I am no longer worried. Even if I die, most of the necessary material conditions are already in place. The role I can play and the contribution I can make in these aspects are not that great anymore. I can finally go abroad with peace of mind."

If someone else had said this, it would have been considered arrogant. But coming from Chen Ke, the comrades of the Standing Committee felt happy for him. The news of the successful nuclear weapon test had greatly encouraged the current leadership team. That this old fellow Chen Ke could feel at ease showed that China's current strength had indeed reached a level that satisfied him.

"Just treat the trip to the United States as a distraction," Li Runshi laughed.

"I hope it will make me feel that the trip is worth it," Chen Ke replied quite relaxed.

Roosevelt did not expect Chen Ke to actually agree to come to the United States in person. A subtle sense of unease rose in his heart. No matter what the People's Party called itself, in the eyes of the US high-level officials, Chen Ke, like Hitler and Stalin, was a dictator. And the biggest characteristic of a dictator is that they never leave the core of their power. Once they leave the core of power for a long time, there will definitely be internal opponents making moves behind their backs. The transfer of power in China had already surprised the US upper echelons. Now that Chen Ke had decided to visit, it further proved Chen Ke's confidence in his own power system and his confidence in China.

Since Chen Ke agreed to visit the United States, Roosevelt could not say, "I didn't expect you to come at first. How about you pretend to be sick and not come, and send someone else?" If he did that, it would really be an international joke. Moreover, Roosevelt really wanted to meet this Chinese dictator. After making intensive arrangements for the reception plan, the United States awaited Chen Ke's visit.

On November 11, 1940, Chen Ke's special plane landed at Washington Airport. The excellent performance of this four-propeller aircraft produced by China itself shocked the US side. This plane flew directly from China to Hawaii, refueled in Hawaii, flew to Washington State for a short stop to refuel, and then flew all the way to Washington, D.C. Experts in the US Air Force understood at a glance that China had the ability to manufacture long-range strategic bombers.

Given Roosevelt's physical condition, he naturally could not go to the airport to welcome Chen Ke. It was Harry Truman, Chairman of the Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program, who came to welcome Chen Ke. This special position implied some unspeakable attitudes. Chen Ke did not care about the posture that the United States had already indicated that they were ready to enter the war. Even if China and the United States really fought to a fever pitch, one Chinese nuclear bomb could destroy an entire US carrier battle group. Even if comparing conventional forces, with the current level of US carrier battle groups, Chen Ke did not believe that the United States could defeat China under equal conditions of combat.

After reviewing the honor guard of the three armed services at the airport, Chen Ke traveled by car to the White House accompanied by Truman.

Harry Truman described his first meeting with Chen Ke in his memoirs like this: "...Except for paying respects to the music he composed when the Chinese national anthem was played, the rest of the time, Chen Ke was like a great emperor of the Roman Empire, heading to the White House under my guidance. He could understand every action and every explanation of mine very clearly and accurately. This person obviously positioned me in the role of a guide and attendant, although my job was indeed that of a guide and attendant. Regarding me personally, Chen Ke showed no interest at all. In the process of going to meet President Roosevelt, all the actions Chen Ke completed were the simplest and clearest actions required to complete this short journey. He had no intention of treating me or other welcoming personnel any differently. I neither think he was arrogant nor humble. It seemed that all curiosity and matters outside of order in human beings did not exist in this de facto leader of China, although Chen Ke did not have the reserved feeling peculiar to cynics..."

Chen Ke didn't think that much. Anyway, someone had to lead the way. Since his purpose was to go to the White House to see Roosevelt, what Chen Ke wanted to complete were merely the actions needed for this purpose. Taking a car, riding a bicycle, or walking made no difference to Chen Ke.

President Roosevelt welcomed Chen Ke at the entrance of the White House. After exchanging pleasantries, the two quickly entered the reception room. These two leaders who could decide the future destiny of the world immediately discussed the strategic relationship between the two countries and the future world situation. Chen Ke naturally reiterated China's position on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence with the United States, stating that China had no intention of going to war with the United States.

What major powers fear most is misunderstanding. What Roosevelt and Chen Ke needed to conduct was a discussion on the basic positions and basic national policies of both sides. After confirming these, the explanation work for many specific actions of both sides could proceed smoothly. Of course, most of this work did not actually require Roosevelt and Chen Ke to finalize the details. After the two set the tone, it would be up to the State Department and minister-level figures hosting specific negotiations to refine them.

The biggest obstacle lying between China and the United States was nothing more than the issue of the United States inheriting British power. The mainstream elite in the United States were WASPs, White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (descendants of New England colonists in the 17th century). The British were Anglo-Saxons, and it would be smoother for the United States, also Anglo-Saxons, to take over part of Britain's legacy.

Chen Ke clearly stated that China did not care about this matter. If the US goal was to promote globalization, China was even willing to support US actions. Of course, Chen Ke clearly expressed China's opposition to the British colonial system. He stopped short of directly saying in words that if the United States played colonialism along with Britain, then there would be no possibility of any agreement between China and the United States.

Roosevelt's policy belonged to economic colonialism. He was also unwilling to engage in a policy of armed colonialism. On this matter, the two sides quickly reached a consensus.

Then the next discussion was whether there was a possibility of reaching peace talks between China and Britain.

Chen Ke said: "We have no intention of destroying Britain by force. The goal we pursue is to destroy the global colonial system. We hope to maintain peace with England, but I think that at this stage, England may not necessarily agree to the peace we advocate."

Roosevelt also knew China's official attitude. Chen Ke spoke with the standard New York Manhattan accent he established from American TV shows, and mixed grammar that was neither Chinese nor American. Roosevelt could understand it by listening and guessing. Roosevelt had done community service when he was young. In terms of grammar and tense, Chen Ke might not necessarily be worse than many Americans. Not to mention there were professional staff nearby translating for him in more accurate American English.

Of course, Chen Ke used "England" instead of "the British Empire" to refer to Britain. There was a clear definition of the enemy by a politician in it. Roosevelt naturally would not misunderstand the murderous intent contained therein. This was far from the best plan Roosevelt expected, where China could even make concessions on the territories of Australia and New Zealand. China wanted to beat Britain back to its original form completely.

Among the colonies of the British Empire, perhaps only Canada considered itself British. Australia and New Zealand, which firmly considered themselves British, did not have many white people left at this time. As for other regions, presumably if black people wanted to consider themselves British, the British would firmly oppose it. As for the Indians, the news Roosevelt received was that many uprisings against Britain had erupted in India. China supported Indian rebels with a lot of captured weapons behind the scenes.

Even within the British Isles, the Irish would not consider themselves British. The Scottish King's lineage became the King of England, but England and Scotland had never truly implemented a merger. While the colonial system completely collapsed, Britain really only had England left. If Canada was not announced to be merged as British homeland, even Canada could not be counted as Britain.

After confirming the fact that China was already clearly committed to destroying the colonial system, Roosevelt was unwilling to spend effort on Sino-British peace talks. The remaining work was merely for the United States to decide whom to support in this matter, and to what extent. Things Britain lost in the war could only be taken back by war. This was the iron-like order of the world. Chen Ke was obviously not a person who could be moved by persuasion.

Wait, Roosevelt was actually most concerned about China's attitude towards the status quo in Europe. The United States could choose not to go to war with China for Britain's interests, but once the United States was determined to fully dominate the North Atlantic, the world's largest economic circle, the possibility of war with Germany or even the Soviet Union was very high. The United States certainly would not pull chestnuts out of the fire for others, let alone be foolish enough to be a "pioneer" for others. If the United States fought with Germany and the Soviet Union until flesh and blood flew and they were exhausted, and China, which had been conserving its strength, suddenly launched a surprise attack on the already exhausted countries, thereby obtaining the final victory in the struggle for hegemony...

Roosevelt had to consider this possibility.

"I know that isolationists in the United States oppose US participation in world wars. On this matter, the Chinese people and the American people are actually the same. When fighting the British, the Chinese people can still endure the slaughter. Because we firmly believe that justice is on our side. Even if revenge is used as a reason, the Chinese people participating in the cruel war also believe that we have the moral high ground. This is very important." Chen Ke was two years "older" than Roosevelt, so he never used honorifics when talking.

"However, if I tell the comrades that there is a group of bad people in other regions they have never been to, and then let them run to those regions to fight bad people and promote justice. I must say, this has actually exceeded the understanding and endurance of the current Chinese people. Moreover, if they find that what I said is actually inaccurate after arriving in those regions, then the Chinese soldiers will feel great unease and even a sense of defeat. To drag China into a world struggle for hegemony for my own personal gain or ideals, I think this is an extremely irresponsible attitude, and in practical operation, it is also extremely foolish behavior. We are not willing to interfere in European affairs. It is no longer possible for this world to exist with doors closed and living one's own life. After the end of the European war, eventually both sides will have to continue doing business. We are willing to wait until that time..."

This conversation, which finally determined the most basic positions of both China and the United States, took two days and a total of more than twenty hours. Roosevelt finally understood China's position. But Roosevelt had no way to clearly inform Chen Ke about the final position of the United States. This was also unavoidable. Chen Ke could dominate China's position, but Roosevelt could not do that.

Afterwards, Chen Ke delivered a speech in both the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States. Chen Ke certainly knew the "Iron Curtain Speech" delivered by that big speculator Fatty Churchill. Chen Ke did not hope that Fatty Churchill could succeed in this time and space. So he was very willing to get this opportunity to publicly express China's attitude and position. For this, Chen Ke had prepared for a long time. Facing the members of the US Senate and House of Representatives, Chen Ke said openly and candidly:

"Gentlemen, I never hide the fact that I am a communist. The China I strive to build is a country that adopts a socialist system. This is my ideal, and it is also the result of my devoted efforts all along. If someone asks me whether I think the capitalist system will die out, I will also tell them very seriously that I think the capitalist system will definitely die out. If someone asks whether war will occur when the capitalist system dies out, I will also answer that war is likely to occur.

However, I believe that this kind of war is not a war in which one country destroys another, but a war action taken by the people within this country to resolve their own internal contradictions. This is not a war between a socialist China and a capitalist United States, but an action taken by the American people themselves after American capitalism has developed to its highest stage and cannot resolve its deep-seated internal contradictions.

As a communist, as a historical materialist, I must state that the bourgeoisie has played a very revolutionary role in history.

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his 'natural superiors', and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous 'cash payment'. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom — Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.

..."

Chen Ke did not hesitate to quote extensively from the *Communist Manifesto*. Someone once commented that when Marx wrote the *Communist Manifesto*, his thinking was still within the framework of Hegel's philosophical dialectics. In the later period, Marx himself finally entered the realm of true historical materialism. However, the high degree of generalization, profound insight, and profound writing skills of the *Communist Manifesto* made Chen Ke admire it. Even for these representatives and spokespersons of capitalists, Chen Ke never underestimated their intelligence. Such a group of people could understand this. Although they would also oppose this.

"The US Constitution explicitly states that We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. History has proven that the United States chose capitalism to safeguard the interests of the American people, and the development of capitalism eventually eliminated slavery in the United States. This proves the revolutionary nature of the capitalist system.

If we don't talk about revolution, democracy can be seen as a process of constantly eliminating privileges. The United States has also faced many crises, and every crisis has promoted American democracy. To solve the crisis, the United States passed the *Antitrust Act*, which in turn greatly promoted the economic development of the United States itself.

These are clear proofs that the capitalist system itself is constantly developing and proving its vitality.

Some congressmen will ask me, if a war breaks out between China and the United States, what kind of war will it be? And my answer is, if such a war occurs, it is not a war between the socialist system and the capitalist system, but a war between China and the United States based on national interests.

As a materialist, I personally believe that we must first admit the existence of facts. This fact refers to material facts, not imagined facts. The material fact is that there is a capitalist system and a socialist system in this world. Both continue to exist and continue to develop. And both can promote the progress of productive forces and the progress and development of society in their own models.

Similarly, colonialism still exists in this world, and the war launched by us in China is to destroy the colonial system in this world. To advance the world to a more progressive, more civilized era where everyone has more freedom. Colonialism is a malignant tumor that needs to be removed in today's world, and removing this tumor certainly requires the support of more advanced countries, but it also relies even more on the struggle of the colonial people against colonialism.

This is not a contradiction and struggle between the socialist system and the capitalist system. On the contrary, I think this is a cooperation opportunity for the socialist system and the capitalist system to join hands and push our world forward together.

Of course, after the colonies are liberated, there will certainly be some countries trying to monopolize the newly liberated former colonial countries. The nature of the struggle triggered at that time will be different from the scramble for colonies. It will be contradictions and struggles between countries and interest groups. I don't think these two things can be confused, nor can the justice of the colonial liberation war be denied because of contradictions and conflicts that may occur in the future.

..."

This was a very important speech. Chen Ke implicitly expressed the view that China was not willing to go to war with the United States, and at the same time pointed out China's position in this war and China's attitude of defining this war as an "anti-colonial" war. No matter what later generations thought of China's annexation of Australia and New Zealand, China's action of granting Chinese citizenship to people in all annexed regions itself represented China's attitude. People in colonies not possessing the citizenship of the colonial country was the rule of the colonial era itself.

Chen Ke's speech was called the precursor to the "complete collapse of the world colonial system" by later generations.