Chapter 91: Progress and Conservatism (Part 6)
Volume 4: Parties Rise Together · Chapter 91
New China's path to industrialization was arduous and bitter. The War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation dragged on for over a dozen years. When Baldy fled to Taiwan, he took every ounce of gold and silver he could carry. Steel output in 1949 didn't even match that of the Hanyang Iron Works in 1910. All construction had to start from scratch. All accumulation of wealth had to begin with agriculture.
Chen Ke's current situation was much better. At least he had managed to integrate into the world trade system, and the base area now possessed a respectable industrial center. However, this did not mean Chen Ke could neglect agriculture. One of the major changes in China's taxation in the 21st century was the abolition of the agricultural tax, which had persisted for thousands of years; there were even agricultural subsidies. Chen Ke hoped to abolish the agricultural tax in his lifetime as well. To achieve that goal sooner, rural construction had to be strengthened now.
"I agree with Comrade Xiao Qiang's approach. Once the strategy is set, stick to it. Next topic." Chen Ke's evaluation was concise. By now, Chen Ke dared not focus too heavily on any single issue—or at least, he absolutely could not let it show.
Xiao Qiang spoke up. "In our recent work, we've encountered clan issues. In previous years, rural clan problems weren't obvious due to floods and land reform, but now conflicts are surfacing. Many clan elders are attempting to issue orders to clan members. Many of our cadres have experienced this. The problem now is that some families with weaker production capabilities cannot temporarily break their dependence on the clan. This is very troublesome. I think we need to take action to govern this."
Chen Ke could see the helpless expressions on the faces of many cadres. It seemed the "many cadres" Xiao Qiang mentioned likely referred to these very members of the Anhui Provincial Committee.
"How much trouble have they caused us?" Chen Ke was somewhat curious. He hadn't had much contact with clans. There seemed to be a resurgence of "clan fever" in the 21st century, but that was purely a cultural pursuit of roots and novelty. The powerful force that once held the power of life and death over clan members had been thoroughly eradicated back during the Great Movement. Although genealogies were burned, ancestral halls torn down, and people struggled against, these costs were negligible compared to the social progress of burying clan law in the garbage heap of history.
"The clans can't cause us much trouble now. Let them jump; they don't have money anyway," replied Ren Qiying, who was now serving as the Director of the General Office of the Anhui Provincial Committee.
Hearing this profound mockery of the clan forces, many comrades smiled.
Ren Qiying continued, "Chairman Chen, I've investigated. In recent years, the clans have lost their function of providing relief. They're at most causing trouble, relying on their seniority to demand money from clan members. As long as the Party can clarify its stance towards the clans, they have no market among the masses at all. Young people, in particular, really detest the clan elders. They are willing to walk with our People's Party."
"The problem is that they are like flies, trying every means to annoy you. It's a real headache when we go to the countryside." Xiao Qiang seemed to have been harassed many times.
"Director Xiao, they aren't flies; this bunch is just grasshoppers after the autumn harvest—they won't be jumping for long," Ren Qiying advised.
"Flies or grasshoppers, it doesn't matter; the key is that they're still jumping now. That bunch is shouting again, 'Why should girls go to school!' Director Ren, you manage education, you must know about this, right?" Xiao Qiang seemed very dissatisfied with the clan elders and had started using the problems Ren Qiying encountered as examples.
Chen Ke saw Ren Qiying sigh slightly before turning to look at him. Chen Ke had always attached great importance to education. He smiled and asked, "What is this about not letting girls go to school?"
Ren Qiying, currently acting as the Acting Director of the Provincial Education Commission, said seriously, "The clan elders have jumped out to oppose girls attending school."
"Oh?" Chen Ke was quite surprised. Clan elders were actually targeting girls' education. Although such things did exist in the countryside, Chen Ke wanted to understand the specifics.
Ren Qiying explained, "The masses are very welcoming of kindergarten and primary school education. Everyone feels that having someone look after the children saves them a meal. It's a good thing. However, for junior high school education, there are many who are unwilling to let girls continue studying."
"But many children graduating from primary school are only nine years old." Chen Ke didn't understand this well.
Not only Ren Qiying, but some comrades of the Anhui Provincial Committee smiled bitterly at Chen Ke's layman response.
"Chairman Chen, in the countryside, nine or ten-year-old girls are responsible for cooking at home. They can't make complicated dishes, but they can light a fire and make soup," Ren Qiying replied. Seeing Chen Ke's somewhat unhappy expression, she added, "Chairman Chen, it's like this in the countryside."
Chen Ke was indeed quite unhappy. Those hyperactive nine-year-olds were at the age where they were universally annoying in the 21st century, but that didn't mean Chen Ke thought they should be deprived of their right to education. Suppressing the urge to immediately propose compulsory education, Chen Ke asked, "What role do the clans play in this?"
Ren Qiying replied, "Arranging child marriages is part of it. At least now, those patriarchs are openly saying things that many people dare not say. They argue that girls who read too many books won't be able to get married."
Although Chen Ke gritted his teeth and remained silent, his expression conveyed his attitude better than any speech could.
Ren Qiying was not so agitated. "Chairman Chen, on this matter, if our government forcibly intervenes, it will definitely cause big problems. Many among the masses think that giving birth to a daughter means she has to marry someone else eventually, and now she has to follow the government? They can't accept it."
The people are really shrewd! Chen Ke sighed inwardly. The People's Party had always prioritized the training of female cadres and women's education. For the government led by the People's Party, this was an inevitable course of action. In the government's view, the people were part of the country. The female citizens painstakingly trained by the People's Party naturally had to become part of society's workforce. But in the eyes of the people, their children belonged to them. The People's Party let these children go to school, and then they were going to take them away?
Needless to say, Ren Qiying sitting before him, and the host of female cadres in the base area, were now completely comrades under the People's Party. They were fundamentally hostile to the clan system. And the female students who were "snatched back" by the People's Party to become teachers had now stepped into their posts. Under the protection and support of the state, these girls were fully capable of refusing the domination of their families and clans.
From the perspective of social progress, this was absolute progress. From the perspective of traditional clans and families, this was the People's Party nakedly snatching other people's daughters. In the 21st century, everyone accepted the concept that children were members of society. However, in 1911, the recognized orthodox thought was that children belonged to their parents. If clan elders wanted to execute clan members, they needed a high-sounding excuse. If parents killed their children, they just killed them.
"What do the comrades think about these issues?" Chen Ke asked.
Everyone looked at each other. Yuwen Badu said, "After all, they are their parents. It's not good for us to intervene in these matters."
Compulsory education was easy to talk about, but extremely difficult to implement in China. This involved strong state intervention in family affairs. In China, by the time the concept that children must study—even if compulsory—was generally accepted, the enrollment rate had already exceeded 97%. Moreover, even with consensus, it hadn't reached the level of rigorous enforcement. Chen Ke had no experience in this area.
"Then have our comrades in Anhui mobilized public opinion to confront these people?" Chen Ke asked.
"Propaganda for compulsory education is being carried out, but the effect is not obvious. Parents are willing to let boys study, but they don't support girls. In this regard, we, the People's Party, are at a disadvantage." Provincial Party Secretary Yuwen Badu tactfully raised the difficulties they faced.
Before Chen Ke could continue, Ren Qiying added, "After discussion, the Party Committee opposes using financial subsidies to promote girls' schooling. Firstly, the financial pressure is too great. Secondly, doing so makes the masses even more suspicious."
"What exactly is the enrollment rate for boys and girls?" Chen Ke was very concerned about this.
"As long as boys pass the exam, it basically reaches 100%. Less than 30% of girls participate in the junior high entrance exam. Only 9% finally attend junior high." Ren Qiying cited the data fluently.
Pursig his lips tightly, Chen Ke thought for a moment and decided not to push this matter for the time being. Changing dynasties might be difficult, but without a more powerful revolution, making the theory that "women hold up half the sky" socially correct required strong political action. And right now, the People's Party really couldn't bear the negative impact of such an action.
"Regarding enrollment, let's publicize it first and not act rashly. The clans have jumped out to make irresponsible remarks; what is everyone's view?" Chen Ke asked.
Ren Qiying replied, "I still hold to my view. They can't jump for long. Without money, the masses won't follow them."
Xiao Qiang clearly did not support Ren Qiying's view. "Chairman Chen, if they just made a fuss or tried to persuade our cadres to support the clans, it would be nothing. Now this bunch has changed tactics and is inciting conflicts among the masses. Especially regarding water sources."
If Chen Ke could force himself to face facts and temporarily compromise on girls' schooling, his face became calm the moment he heard about the water source. This was his standard expression when getting serious. He tried to keep his emotions hidden, but he still hadn't fully mastered it.
"Chairman Chen, conditions in some areas of Anhui are relatively good; we only need to dig irrigation canals. However, many areas need reservoirs to effectively regulate water. The conflict over water sources in these areas is sharp. Based on the agricultural department's investigation, some clan elders have begun to regain dominance by inciting local conflicts. Although the local government is trying its best to solve these matters, basic water conservancy is the root problem. If this isn't solved, conflicts will erupt every year," Xiao Qiang explained.
"But when arranging work, we always have to invest in areas where it's easy to increase production first. We can't start work immediately in difficult areas. Chairman Chen, I'm not complaining, but too much manpower has been drawn from Anhui. Originally, army surveying departments helped us. Now the army has gone to other provinces, and technical departments are heavily inclined towards industry. We have completely insufficient technical personnel. I came from the army. If the survey isn't done well, there will definitely be problems in the technical design. So now we can only endure many things."
Xiao Qiang's query represented the heartfelt frustration of the Anhui Provincial Committee cadres. Anhui was once full of talent. With a population of 18.5 million, it had once gathered tens of thousands of technical soldiers and personnel, not to mention a large number of excellent cadres. The expansion of the base area had scattered these key people. There was no longer a large-scale technical team concentrated in Anhui.
However, Chen Ke had personally experienced that era, and he knew Xiao Qiang was exaggerating slightly. At least in areas where work was easy, Anhui had done decent surveying. The difficult areas Xiao Qiang referred to required much larger investments to increase agricultural output.
Regardless of what Xiao Qiang thought about the clan trouble, he raised a viewpoint that represented the current Anhui Party Committee: "Have too many people been taken away to support the construction of other provinces?"
Sure enough, although Ren Qiying differed with Xiao Qiang on some issues, they were consistent on this. Ren Qiying continued, "Chairman Chen, regarding sending teachers to other provinces, the vast majority of Anhui teachers are unwilling to go. Principals everywhere feel that whether for formal schools, night schools, or cram schools, existing teachers aren't enough for themselves. Moreover, teachers aren't party cadres and can't bear overly hard work. If you have overly high expectations for them, it's unrealistic."
At its peak, one in 30 people in Anhui was within the People's Party system. Now, the total number of cadres plus the army in the entire base area was less than 400,000. That meant in a base area of 61 million, only one in 150 people was in the system. With strength diluted to this extent, expecting work to be as smooth as before was unrealistic. The cold statistical data placed the problem squarely before Chen Ke.
No matter the political ideals or advanced systems, without sufficient personnel who could come when called and fight when they arrived, everything was empty talk. Transforming society didn't rely on empty words; it relied on overwhelming strength. And people were the embodiment of that strength.
It was fortunate that an agreement was reached with Yuan Shikai. Chen Ke suddenly thought, if not for this precarious but peaceful status quo, God knows how much harder the work would be. However, he quickly realized he was making excuses to distract himself. The problem was how to effectively strengthen the organization and use existing conditions to complete the task.
Every comrade of the Anhui Provincial Committee was watching Chen Ke. He knew they were waiting for the sentence they expected. But Chen Ke tried to come up with a better way—a way to solve the current problem immediately. As the saying goes, use good steel on the blade; concentrate forces to do big things. This was the only way to forcefully promote social progress in New China's history.
However, in the late stage of the War of Liberation, the Party had millions of battle-hardened troops and millions of tested members. Crossing the Yangtze, they could even conscript hundreds of thousands of southbound cadres. To maintain the current situation, the People's Party had really reached its limit. Statistics didn't lie.
"Alright, we won't transfer personnel from Anhui for the time being," Chen Ke said.
The Anhui Provincial Committee cadres showed expressions of relief. Anhui really couldn't hold on anymore. If talent continued to bleed away, unless they lied to Chen Ke, the work could hardly be sustained.
The discussion quickly shifted from agricultural construction to manpower demand. Many families who didn't want their children—especially girls—to continue school had reasons to worry. The People's Party wanted to use schooling to select technical personnel willing to leave their families and go where needed. This was completely different from rural literacy and technical training.
Just like when Chen Ke was in college, brothers in the civil engineering department worked for highway construction during summer vacation, earning three or four thousand a month. But they carried surveying instruments in the wilderness, running around all day under the scorching sun. Ordinary construction workers didn't earn as much, but the work was indeed different. What an industrial country needed was a massive number of engineering and technical personnel. Without this manpower base, everything was useless.
But now the masses simply didn't understand this. Actually, never mind the people—if Chen Ke hadn't gone to university and had sufficient scientific foundation, if he hadn't had friends from various majors, he wouldn't have understood other industries either. Without personal experience, it was impossible to understand.
What's more, parents still regarded children as private property. To put it bluntly, they planned to "sell" them for a good price. Although the masses were in a new system, their thinking was still from the old era.
At this stage, those willing to follow the People's Party to conquer the world had basically already joined. The intention of other masses was to build the happiness and wealth of their own small families. How to mobilize laborers willing to "come out to work" became the focus of the discussion.
"Treatment in factories is relatively low, and workers have limited interest in night schools. In the final analysis, it's a matter of money," Anhui Provincial Party Secretary Yuwen Badu said.
Hearing this, Chen Ke felt quite comforted. At least within the People's Party, they were still telling the truth.