Zhang Yu was the Secretary of the Southern Anhui Regional Committee and one of the three major secretaries in Anhui. He was known for daring to question Chen Ke to his face and for steadfastly executing the Party Committee's plans. Among the senior cadres of the People's Party, Zhang Yu's style was considered very rare.

However, since Chen Ke returned to preside over the work in Anhui, Zhang Yu had been very subdued. Aside from his own work reports and routine speeches, he remained silent throughout. This forced Chen Ke to personally seek out Zhang Yu for a talk to see what situation this energetic cadre had encountered.

"I am physically fine, just a bit tired in the heart," Zhang Yu replied, indeed looking very exhausted.

"In what aspect are you thinking too much?" Chen Ke had experienced this too. Psychological fatigue was closely related to confusion; every time he tried to sort out a theoretical problem, Chen Ke always felt particularly tired.

"Chairman Chen, what kind of country are we going to build after the revolution? You always say it's a brand new system, a brand new country. But how exactly is this 'new' defined?" It was true that a leopard cannot change its spots; Zhang Yu's voice was weary, but his question remained sharp.

"A brand new country? That is, an industrialized modern nationalist country." Chen Ke gave Zhang Yu a complete answer. Even in the early 21st century, China was merely an industrialized modern nationalist country. Of course, within China's profound historical and cultural characteristics, bloodline was not a particularly serious issue. With the traditional thought of "entering China to become Chinese, entering barbarian lands to become barbarian" as a foundation, China was worlds apart from racism. Of course, China was also worlds apart from communism.

"Oh? A nationalist country?" Zhang Yu became interested in this term.

"Nationalism is not racism. Nationalism is actually an identification with a cultural identity. Racism is an identification with bloodline. As I said before, within the Manchu Qing, the idea of 'protecting China but not the Great Qing' was proposed; that is a racist attitude. Identification with China is an identification with cultural identity. So I have long said that nationalism is a pseudo-proposition. But implied within this pseudo-proposition is a sense of identity applicable to the whole of China, and consequently the positioning between the people and the state. This is quite troublesome." Speaking of this, Chen Ke himself felt a bit tired.

Although Zhang Yu was still weary, his eyes now held a hint of sharpness. "Chairman Chen, I have always had a question. You never finish what you are saying; you always leave half of it unsaid. Look at other revolutionary parties; whatever they want to say, whatever they want to do, they always say it all at once. Those who are willing to follow them at least know what they want to do. Now, many comrades in our People's Party don't know where we are ultimately going. Our goal changes after we reach a certain degree, and changes again after achieving the next goal. We also want to know what it will look like in the end."

This was not an inquiry about the next step or even the step after that; Zhang Yu was questioning Chen Ke's entire political philosophy. This was the first time someone in the party had asked this question so profoundly. Listening to Chairman Chen was indeed a consensus within the People's Party now—if not Chairman Chen, then who? And Chen Ke had to do this in reality; if the People's Party only acted according to the political theories proposed by Chen Ke, it would lead the People's Party down various paths.

The Party's revolution had made many attempts and had many failures. Therefore, the Party's success was also inevitable. Every failure did not knock the Party down; instead, it allowed the Party to summarize lessons, train the team, and unite thoughts. This was the objective law of development of things. It conformed to the basic principles of materialist dialectics. And the path Chen Ke led the People's Party on, for Chen Ke, "conformed" to the objective laws of development of things and "conformed" to the basic principles of materialist dialectics. Because he knew this history, he had studied it, discussed it, and pondered it.

However, the comrades of the People's Party went from one victory to another, but the theories and methods proposed by Chen Ke could not reasonably explain what had already happened. If one did not deeply question whether Chen Ke was "holding back a hand," that would be abnormal. Because Chen Ke really was "holding back a hand," and "holding back a big hand" at that. If Zhang Yu could deduce the strategic design relying solely on the theories proposed by Chen Ke, then he would be a great man comparable to Grandpa Mao.

Chen Ke's ability to tell lies was very low. Since the revolution, learning to speak the truth realistically had distressed Chen Ke to death. Telling lies, and more importantly, rounding out lies, was completely outside Chen Ke's considerations. So Chen Ke asked, "Many comrades think this way, right?"

"I think this way," Zhang Yu answered this sentence cleverly.

"Then Comrade Zhang Yu, to what extent do you want to hear?" Chen Ke asked.

"I want to hear all the content regarding theory, not just the positive parts. I feel that, Chairman Chen, there are many things you haven't made up your mind about that you've never mentioned. You seem completely unwilling to discuss with comrades. I personally think that your doing so belongs to not trusting comrades." There was some fatigue in Zhang Yu's voice, but the content was extremely sharp.

If Zhang Yu's initial words made Chen Ke self-reflect, the subsequent words turned Chen Ke's train of thought from self-criticism to a critical angle. He paused for a long while before replying, "Then how do we ensure that this kind of discussion won't lead to a dispersion of the comrades' attention? For human cognitive habits, everyone instinctively hopes to go straight to the result. And meticulously walking through every link of this process is the biggest reason why our People's Party can continuously win. I don't want to artificially add unnecessary trouble during the revolution. What if someone treats a chicken feather as a warrant and engages in Left-leaning adventurism?"

Zhang Yu did not argue; the fatigue on his face seemed to increase a bit. After a good while, Zhang Yu nodded, "What you say is also true. Maybe I am too tired. Recently work has piled up like a mountain, but comrades who can meet the standard of a laborer are really too few. Most people go straight for the result; there are really too few people who want to do things. As soon as cooperation is involved, everyone instinctively thinks of their own interests. If it's really for their own interests, then get the thing done first. These people, when doing things, wish they could just move their lips and the matter would be completed immediately. After we improved the supervision system, there have been too many exposures of cutting corners."

Seeing Zhang Yu's exasperated expression, Chen Ke couldn't help but ask, "Haven't the Party School and Cadre School increased training efforts?"

"I'm talking about the masses," Zhang Yu retorted directly. "To put it bluntly, I am questioning one thing now. The Constitution says all power belongs to the people. Historical materialism believes that the development of productive forces is the only way to promote social progress. And political classes teach that the state is a tool of class rule. Our People's Party Constitution says that the People's Party is the vanguard of the broad laboring masses. I have always been unclear about this issue. Chairman Chen, can you explain this?"

Chen Ke looked at Zhang Yu carefully; Zhang Yu's troubles were a bit too high-level. Before the revolution, Chen Ke never understood the concept of so-called "aristocratic workers"; after the revolution, he understood it solidly. what Zhang Yu was saying was a major problem facing the grassroots now. "Who exactly is the revolution for!"

Zhang Yu was the first senior cadre in the party to raise this question. Although he didn't explain it with a theoretical height, he had directly touched the core issue. This issue, even in the 21st century, was a matter of diverse opinions.

When Chen Ke talked with many brothers studying for MBAs, some brothers firmly believed that many people participating in labor simply could not be called laborers.

"If a person's purpose for working is purely to earn money, and participating in labor is only forced. Unless absolutely necessary, I will not cooperate with this kind of person!" Perhaps having cooperated with too many people, these brothers had deep experience with this.

Through such a long revolution, Chen Ke's own definition of a laborer was someone who is willing to become a laborer and has a conscious understanding of labor. Long ago, Chen Ke even thought that this kind of person was born; they could just understand the meaning of labor. First, being needed by others, and satisfying others' needs.

In many early socialist discourses, these people were called "labor aristocracy." They occupied key positions in various factories, had high wages, and capitalists gave them whatever they asked for. These professionals first became experts through their own efforts, and then occupied a status of high economic income in society. Many people's evaluation of this group was, "Pressing a button might only be worth one yuan, but knowing when to press this button is worth nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine yuan."

Moreover, this group of people knew how to cooperate very well. They knew how to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages and would absolutely not become victims of various movements. What they wanted was this labor opportunity; labor was the foundation for them to settle down and get on with their pursuits. In their understanding, their own value was reflected through the results of their labor, unrelated to other things. Not to mention Zhang Yu liked this kind of person, Chen Ke also liked cooperating with this kind of person. If the Chinese masses could generally achieve this quality, the socialist system could definitely be realized. I'm afraid even communism might possibly be achieved.

This kind of person was the level Chen Ke's parents always hoped Chen Ke could achieve. Understanding society, having a specialized skill, being recognized by others within the scope of the skill, and most importantly, these people knew how to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages and would not be blinded by their own selfish desires.

A laborer, as long as society provided a labor opportunity, they could seize it. Even if they paid the price of their lives for it, these people could take it with equanimity. No matter how you beat the grass to scare the snake, these people could lie dormant in their holes without coming out. But when it was time for them to move, they could always appear when they must appear.

To put it plainly, this was the "quality of ruling class members" of a modern nation-state. These people first became their own masters; these people unswervingly realized their own value through labor. And through the needs of society, they stepped up to the corresponding status step by step.

After the socialist system is established, when labor becomes the standard for judging a person's value, these people should receive the corresponding status. But Chen Ke found that these people wanted to receive remuneration and status, often not for themselves. They also had families to support, houses to buy, and more importantly, in order to labor better, they needed these remunerations and status to realize better labor.

Since the state is a tool of class rule, then this ruling class must use the tool of the state to realize a ruling mode beneficial to itself. Exploitation and becoming an exploitative empire are destined to be unable to promote the true development of productive forces and will only lead to the decline of the country. Then under the socialist system, how to let the populace understand this and recognize this is the work of the revolution. It is also the future direction Chen Ke believes the People's Party should take.

This was also the revolution Chen Ke could understand at the present stage, and the reflection Chen Ke gained from the century-long journey from the outbreak of the Xinhai Revolution in 1911 to the early 21st century. The object of revolution is not only the system but also the self-transformation deep into human thought.

"Comrade Zhang Yu, since you have asked about this, can you listen to me tell you about it?" Chen Ke asked.

Zhang Yu nodded but did not speak. He looked really tired. Even after listening to Chen Ke's complete narration of the concept regarding the social system and the cultivation of the laborer's spirit, Zhang Yu did not get excited. He asked with an expression that looked even more weary, "Chairman Chen, then where exactly is the problem? Is social progress insufficient? Or is propaganda insufficient?"

"Both, I guess. But my feeling is, if a person pursues not the experience of the labor process, but the enjoyment of the labor results, this stuff is useless no matter how it's propagandized. And of those I recognize as true laborers, not one thinks the labor process is enjoyable; they all think it's very hard. Every day they have to spend untold hardships to transform themselves and eliminate the attitude of not seeking truth from facts. Very, very hard. But these people firmly believe that only by doing this, they must do this. They simply don't consider other choices besides doing this."

"Hmm!" Zhang Yu showed a mocking smile. "That's right. Absolutely right. So I am considering such a question now: if we explain the truth clearly to the people, how many people will actually follow us?!"

Chen Ke retorted, "But this kind of social system is indeed better than a system built on an exploitation system. You should admit this point. And most importantly, the labor and returns paid by true laborers are indeed more than those who don't understand labor. Doesn't the success of our People's Party prove that laborers uniting to create a tomorrow for their own welfare is invincible?"

"But will the people really believe this?" Zhang Yu asked.

Hearing this, Chen Ke suddenly remembered something. Grandpa Mao said, "The Propaganda Department is the Palace of the King of Hell." Recalling carefully, the Propaganda Department had never engaged in this kind of propaganda. Thinking of this, Chen Ke suddenly couldn't help laughing out loud.

Zhang Yu looked at the laughing Chen Ke in astonishment; he thought Chen Ke would frown deeply.

"Sure enough, the propaganda is insufficient," Chen Ke laughed. Something that had always made Chen Ke feel very depressed suddenly had a result. The People's Party's strength was too weak now, needless to say anything else. Just for land reform, Chen Ke had to order all localities to do it but not talk about it. Because the anti-exploitation system and the exploitation system are incompatible like fire and water; the war between the two is life and death.

If the People's Party, with anti-exploitation as its program, grew like this, it would mean the destruction of the exploiting class in other regions. They would absolutely not sit idly by. Not only the exploiting class in China, but even foreign exploiting classes would not ignore the People's Party.

Propagandizing anti-exploitation is not a problem, but using anti-exploitation as the fundamental system to build a new regime, if the people who can't survive in those exploitation system countries follow suit and do the same, what will the ruling classes of those countries do? They can't sit and wait for death either.

As a learner downstream in history, Chen Ke had his own views on the revolution of that year. The revolution destroyed the old system and built a better new system. But these systems slightly deviated from the organizational point of "the state is a tool of class rule." Who exactly is the ruling class, how to consciously improve the ruling class itself, and how to continuously transform other ruled classes into the ruling class, which is what was said before as "becoming successors to the revolution."

Thinking of this, Chen Ke suddenly realized. Why did he, after achieving nothing, finally become a believer in Marx and Grandpa Mao? That was because the education he had received forced Chen Ke to seek methods to transform himself from the truths told by these predecessors, seeking methods to make himself a member of the ruling class. In continuous study and practice, Chen Ke realized that if a person cannot even rule themselves, how can they effectively engage in social cooperation? If a person cannot even understand themselves, how can they find effective methods to communicate with others?

"Comrade Zhang Yu, who in the Propaganda Department do you think can understand these issues?" Chen Ke asked.

Zhang Yu was silent for a while before saying, "What do you think of me?"

Chen Ke was stunned. "You are willing to undertake the work of the Propaganda Department?"

"I'm almost unable to hold on now. If I go to the Propaganda Department, I only need to move my lips. I think I can undertake this job."

"Haha! You really know how to slack off!" Chen Ke was amused by Zhang Yu's honest words. "The problem is that the work of the Propaganda Department is not easy at all. You have to pay attention to public opinion in various places at all times. For every major move we make, the Propaganda Department must keep up. This requires dominating the position of public opinion. Therefore, the propaganda ministers of each province are members of the provincial standing committee."

Zhang Yu didn't care about the evaluation of "slacking off" at all. He asked, "The Propaganda Department leads our own comrades, is that correct?"

"Correct."

"The Propaganda Department is not responsible for education work; education work is the Ministry of Education's business, is that correct?"

"Correct."

"The Propaganda Department is responsible for telling the truth to the masses, explaining the problems we face now and the contradictions of these problems to the masses in words they can understand. Is that correct?"

"Correct."

After receiving a series of clear replies, Zhang Yu answered very crisply, "Then I can do it."

Since Zhang Yu hoped to go to the Propaganda Department so much, Chen Ke also agreed with Zhang Yu's attitude. He said, "Since it's like this, you wait for the notification from the Personnel Department. However, you first prepare a propaganda content for me now, which is to start implementing a comprehensive military service system in the base areas."

Hearing this, Zhang Yu's eyes widened. "Comprehensive military service system?"

"Yes, we must now carry out infrastructure construction in various provinces by recruiting engineering corps on a large scale, and service is also an interaction between the people and society. The social significance of service, and the corresponding policy support provided by the 'Military Service Law' of the base areas to military dependents, all need effective propaganda. This job is not easy at all." Chen Ke gave Zhang Yu a small mockery at the end of his words.