"I wonder if Mr. Chen has read the manuscripts of Mr. Sun Wen's Three People's Principles?" Kita Ikki asked. This was the meeting gift he had brought this time. Sun Yat-sen had repeatedly instructed Kita Ikki to make sure Chen Ke read this political program carefully.

"Not for the moment," Chen Ke said with a smile. As a follower of Marx and Grandpa Mao, since the Three People's Principles neither spoke of the actual development of productive forces nor addressed the problems of human society in a philosophical sense, Chen Ke had no interest in them at all.

"Then would Chairman Chen care to take a look?" Kita Ikki produced a pamphlet.

Chen Ke read things very quickly now. He had seen Sun Yat-sen's political concepts before; one could say that research summaries from later generations were probably clearer than Sun Yat-sen's own thoughts. Thus, he finished flipping through it in just over ten minutes.

"You've finished reading it already?" Kita Ikki was greatly surprised.

Chen Ke briefly repeated to Kita Ikki the basic points of the Three People's Principles—National Independence, People's Rights, and People's Livelihood—as well as the basic political concept of the Separation of the Five Powers. Kita Ikki was also proficient in Chinese, and he had never seen anyone able to state the issues so simply yet completely and clearly. His respect for Chen Ke immediately deepened by another level.

There were as many people in the Tongmenghui who thought Chen Ke was just "lucky" as there were hairs on a dog. Even Sun Yat-sen had once sighed, "If only we could have put our full effort into the revolution in Anhui back then." But someone who relied on luck could absolutely not explain revolutionary principles so profoundly yet simply. Even when Sun Yat-sen spoke of the Three People's Principles, he mostly explained their application, while failing to go deep enough into the basic concepts.

"Mr. Chen, then what is your view on the Three People's Principles?" Kita Ikki asked.

"We in the People's Party speak of contradictions and struggle. We believe that everything in the world exists on the basis of contradiction and struggle; all the phenomena we see are the results of contradiction and struggle. Cooperation is also a way that contradiction and struggle manifest. Mr. Sun wants to cooperate with us, and this cooperation is built on the basis that both sides have the common enemy of the Manchu Qing. However, in these Three People's Principles, Mr. Sun has somewhat confused cause and effect. This is a set of theories accumulated just to explain the immediate contradictions. Anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism are the greatest issues of the current Chinese revolution, but how did the Western powers actually form? Why did they form that way? How exactly is China to oppose the oppression of these countries? Mr. Sun has completely failed to touch upon these questions regarding the laws of development of human society as a whole. Therefore, I personally have no interest in his set of theories."

This was a fairly blunt rejection. Kita Ikki already understood Chen Ke's firm refusal. However, this did not surprise Kita Ikki in the least. The friction between the People's Party and the Tongmenghui had a long history. Even though Chen Ke had made enormous contributions to advancing the revolution, there were more than one or two people in the Tongmenghui shouting to "eliminate the revolutionary traitor Chen Ke." For example, Sun Yat-sen's loyal follower Chen Qimei frequently incited such anti-People's Party sentiment within the Tongmenghui.

"Then what does Mr. Chen believe are the laws of social development?" Hu Hanmin, who had come with Kita Ikki, asked loudly. From the beginning, Hu Hanmin felt that Chen Ke was ignoring him. However, it wasn't surprising for someone of Chen Ke's status to put on airs; it only showed that Chen Ke's character was problematic. But hearing Chen Ke criticize the Three People's Principles so severely, Hu Hanmin could no longer remain calm.

Chen Ke was indeed deliberately ignoring Hu Hanmin. In the April 12 Counter-Revolutionary Coup, Baldy Chiang, Hu Hanmin, and Cai Yuanpei were the primary instigators and planners. Chen Ke had to exert great effort to keep himself from using the "criticism of the weapon" to deal with Hu Hanmin. History had proven that this kind of person was like a stone in a latrine—basically beyond redemption.

Faced with Hu Hanmin's determined stance, Chen Ke replied coldly: "The Principle of Livelihood speaks of the equalization of land rights. If the land rights are still in the hands of the landlords, what exactly are you 'equalizing'?"

The land revolution had always been the greatest point of contention within the Tongmenghui, and the Party and the Kuomintang were also mortal enemies on the issue of land. Chen Ke's words directly struck a major weakness of the Three People's Principles: they fundamentally did not change the structure of land ownership. No matter how Sun Yat-sen adjusted them, he could never truly pursue land nationalization. Meanwhile, the land revolution was one of the most basic programs and economic lines of the People's Party, and an absolutely irreconcilable contradiction with other political forces.

The fact that the People's Party was killing landlords was widely known. The reason no one dared to jump out and curse the People's Party was out of fear of their military strength. Even in Jiangxi, which was by no means a die-hard supporter of the Qing, the People's Party had said, "The Governor of Jiangxi is a die-hard lackey of the Manchu Qing," and then charged in without distinguishing red from white. Other provinces were truly "furious but dared not speak out." Moreover, since even the Beiyang clique, which could be an enemy of the People's Party, remained silent, how would those in other provinces dare to speak up?

However, Hu Hanmin was not afraid. He said solemnly, "Landlord land was earned through hard work. For the People's Party to take it all away with a single sentence about land nationalization—it's not fair."

"Whether it's fair or not is your view. We in the People's Party only care about whether the goal of the masses having land to plant and food to eat has been achieved after land reform, and whether the masses' standard of living has improved. Since we believe these goals have been met, we don't care at all how others judge us," Chen Ke replied coldly.

Faced with such an arrogant attitude, Hu Hanmin's eyes immediately lit up, but his tone became steadier instead. "The equalization of land rights is because economic development leads to rising land prices; the surplus portion is taxed by the state, and this money is used to develop the economy..."

Chen Ke interrupted Hu Hanmin. "In our base area, there is no such thing as land sales. Those willing to farm can apply for land; those unwilling to farm have no land to till. So no matter how well you describe 'equalization of land rights,' we don't need it."

Hearing this, both Hu Hanmin and Kita Ikki were shocked. They had heard that the People's Party distributed land to the common people, but they never imagined the People's Party had completely abolished land sales.

"Then who exactly owns the land?" Hu Hanmin asked.

"The state owns the land. The people can apply for usage rights, and aside from paying taxes, there are no other fees," Chen Ke answered bluntly.

"Doesn't that mean the People's Party is the owner of this land? You are the biggest landlord!" Hu Hanmin's voice became excited. He hadn't expected such a tyrannical land reform policy.

"We in the People's Party do not own an inch of land. The land is state-owned; anyone who wants to use the land must apply," Chen Ke replied, though by now he was slightly frowning.

Hu Hanmin became even more excited. "Then isn't the current government in Anhui a People's Party government?"

Chen Ke did not answer this question. He had regained his calm. "Mr. Hu Hanmin, was the purpose of Sun Wen sending you here just to argue these things with me? I am very busy and really don't have time to listen to you say all this. However, we have reception personnel; you can direct your questions to them, and they will tell you the facts."

Kita Ikki also felt that Hu Hanmin had lost his composure. He quickly produced a letter. "Mr. Chen, this is a personal letter for you from Mr. Sun Wen."

Chen Ke no longer bothered with the agitated Hu Hanmin. He took the letter and opened it to read. The wording in Sun Yat-sen's letter was very mild. He hoped the People's Party and the Tongmenghui could join forces against the Qing and jointly promote this work through a joint telegram. Chen Ke could guess the key to this: Sun Yat-sen still hoped to unite with the People's Party, as this would be very beneficial to the reputation of both Sun Yat-sen and the Tongmenghui.

"Please inform Mr. Sun Wen that we in the People's Party naturally have our own methods of outreach. To coordinate further at this time would require too many adjustments. I appreciate his kind intentions, but it seems there is no hope for cooperation this time," Chen Ke said to Kita Ikki.

Kita Ikki looked at the fuming Hu Hanmin, then at the calm Chen Ke. He already understood that this time the two sides would certainly not reach an agreement. The People's Party never cooperated with other revolutionary parties; the only time they had was during the attack on Anqing. In the end, the People's Party acted completely low-key, making it seem as if the Yuewang Society had been the main force instead. Not only with the Tongmenghui, but even with the Guangfu Society, which had a good relationship with the People's Party, the People's Party never tried to snatch their fame. This seemingly mild method effectively separated the People's Party's relationship with other parties while ensuring the People's Party's completely independent and autonomous stance.

"Mr. Chen, you might want to reconsider," Kita Ikki urged.

"We in the People's Party have said long ago: anyone who supports the Manchu Qing is our enemy. We are never polite to our enemies. Moreover, we are going to have a massive conscription drive soon, bringing our troops up to 600,000. During this National Assembly election, whichever surrounding province supports the Manchu Qing, we will eliminate. No politeness, no mercy," Chen Ke answered cleanly and crisply.

Kita Ikki and Hu Hanmin were not cheered by Chen Ke's determined stance. After all, if the People's Party could raise 600,000 troops, they could indeed sweep across the entire south. The end of the Manchu Qing could only be described as "just around the corner." This news, which could have been described as "great joy," did not make Kita Ikki and Hu Hanmin happy at all.

The People's Party's attitude toward other political parties was already so clear; the lackeys of the Manchu Qing were surely doomed. However, once the People's Party grasped the power of China, other parties that had no cooperation with them would likely fare no better than the Manchu Qing. Although Chen Ke didn't say it outright, both Kita Ikki and Hu Hanmin held this strong conviction.

The silence in the conference room didn't last long. Chen Ke then asked, "Do the two of you have any other official business? If not, please allow me to take my leave; I still have many matters to attend to here."

Kita Ikki quickly said, "Mr. Chen, may we take a tour of the base area? Along the way here, what we saw and heard opened our eyes. We are very interested in your base area."

"Certainly, you can discuss it with the members of the reception department," Chen Ke replied.

Just then, a guard ran in and whispered a few words to Chen Ke. Chen Ke smiled after hearing them. "Mr. Song Jiaoren has also arrived. I didn't expect him to come so urgently."

Hu Hanmin was shocked. After Song Jiaoren took the Huaxing Society and left the Tongmenghui, he hadn't contacted them for a long time. He hadn't expected him to appear at such a coincidence. There was also surprise on Kita Ikki's face; he had written to Song Jiaoren beforehand to report his itinerary. However, Kita Ikki hadn't expected the two sides to bump into each other so coincidentally.

"Mr. Dunchu is no stranger either; why not invite him in for a meeting together?" Hu Hanmin said quickly.

Chen Ke really did have business. He invited Song Jiaoren in and then said, "Since you are all acquaintances, I don't need to host you separately. However, I truly have matters today. I will discuss things with you all in the afternoon. I hope you will be patient."

Naturally, these people could not force their host, Chen Ke. They became polite instead. "Not at all, Mr. Chen. We are at your disposal; please don't let us rush you."

The comrades from the reception office escorted them to their quarters. The three had indeed not seen each other for a long time. After arranging matters for the others in their party, they gathered together to talk about their recent situations.

"Dunchu, long time no see. You've grown thin," Hu Hanmin said to Song Jiaoren. With the great split of the Tongmenghui, although the Guangfu Society and the Huaxing Society did not possess an entire province, they both had their own territory. In contrast, the Tongmenghui, which was once teeming with talent, still had no actual political power within the country. Hu Hanmin could not help but feel a bit sour.

"Brother Hanmin also looks quite exhausted," Song Jiaoren sighed.

With the representatives of two revolutionary parties now gathered on the territory of the largest revolutionary party, and all three sides having different positions, Hu Hanmin could not help but feel moved. He sighed, "Brother Dunchu, I used to hear that when the Qin lost its deer, the whole world chased it. I felt a sense of heroic grandeur then. But currently, with foreign powers outside and the Manchu Qing within, the revolutionaries themselves cannot unite—isn't it a bit ridiculous?"

Song Jiaoren smiled. "Brother Hanmin, I wonder what Mr. Sun's view is on provincial autonomy?"

"Mr. Sun believes that provincial autonomy is just warlord autonomy and is entirely a recipe for disaster and humiliation. If China cannot unite to oppose imperialism and the Qing, the outcome will certainly be a fate of being carved up," Hu Hanmin said emphatically.

Song Jiaoren nodded repeatedly after hearing this. Kita Ikki's face remained expressionless, but in his heart, he strongly disagreed. Sun Yat-sen indeed opposed provincial autonomy, but Kita Ikki knew that Sun Yat-sen had done his best to contact Japan, Britain, the United States, and other countries, hoping to gain their support. In return for their support, Sun Yat-sen had made various promises of concessions and allowing foreign privileges to exist. To Japan, he promised they could jointly develop the Northeast; with Britain, he discussed that Britain could enjoy rights in the Yangtze and Pearl River basins. To France, he offered the interests of Yunnan and Guangxi as compensation.

In short, in Kita Ikki's view, Sun Yat-sen was a completely Westernized Chinese person; his conduct and thinking were all in the Western mode. Sun Yat-sen did not stand on the standpoint of the Chinese people to carry out the revolutionary cause, but wanted to implement Western democratic concepts in China through revolutionary means. Therefore, to achieve his goals, he often spared no means to seek foreign support.

Although Hu Hanmin spoke with righteousness, once provincial autonomy was implemented, each province would certainly prioritize its own interests. Since Chen Ke had just said he wanted to recruit 600,000 troops, Kita Ikki thought this was a big joke. If the People's Party could really recruit 600,000 troops from four provinces, why wouldn't they just unify China directly?

But since Chen Ke had stated this, combined with the People's Party's usual actions, if the National Assembly once decided to keep the outer shell of the Manchu Qing regime, the People's Party would take at least a few provinces. The provinces would prioritize their own interests, and under such coercion, they would certainly not let the Manchu Qing continue any longer.

Now Sun Yat-sen truly held great power in the Tongmenghui, but this was built on the departure of all other powerful factions. Sun Yat-sen was now just wearing the hat of the Tongmenghui from its glorious days. With his current strength, he was fundamentally unable to intervene in the internal affairs of the various provinces. Even if he seized power in one or a few provinces, he would be nothing more than a local force and could no longer lead the situation of the whole of China. If things evolved into such a state, why would the various countries be willing to invest in a Tongmenghui that was at most a local government?

However, Hu Hanmin's words truly moved Song Jiaoren. He nodded repeatedly. "Revolutionary matters should indeed be handled with one heart and one mind. I came to Anhui this time with exactly this intention."

"Oh? What thoughts does Dunchu have?" Hu Hanmin also became interested.

Song Jiaoren said loudly, "This new National Assembly only has the power to elect the President; other than that, it can only discuss fiscal and tax matters and laws regarding national affairs. The President appoints the Prime Minister, and the Prime Minister forms the cabinet; this government is entirely responsible only to the President. Where is the democracy in that? Yuan Shikai in the north occupies the largest territory, and among the provinces of the world, Beiyang owns the most. If we elect this way, the one elected will surely be a Beiyang President, and a Beiyang President is destined to appoint a Beiyang Prime Minister. This absolutely will not do!"

Hu Hanmin nodded repeatedly. Another problem with provincial autonomy was that the Tongmenghui did not have the support of the truly powerful landlords and gentry in the localities. This meant the Tongmenghui could absolutely not gain an advantage through elections in the localities. Sun Yat-sen strongly opposed this "undemocratic" behavior.

But hearing Song Jiaoren say this, Hu Hanmin suddenly remembered something. The People's Party killed landlords, but they didn't divide the land; instead, they nationalized it. This meant that on the People's Party's territory, everyone was a tenant farmer or a long-term laborer for the People's Party. Therefore, within these four provinces, the People's Party could absolutely obtain one hundred percent support. Moreover, under provincial autonomy, each province could have its own constitution, and the central government could not interfere. Then the People's Party could even establish these policies of theirs in legal form.

Thinking of this, Hu Hanmin's expression changed.

Song Jiaoren was just getting into his stride. "Members of parliament are supposed to be elected by the people, and popular election is the will of the people. How can it be said that the popular will belongs to one person? If we do it this way, let's not call it electing a President; call it electing an Emperor. We only need to say that the throne is taken in turns, and it will be my turn tomorrow. What kind of democracy is that?"

Kita Ikki nodded slightly. "Then what are Dunchu's plans?"

Song Jiaoren said decisively, "I came this time to represent the Huaxing Society and discuss with the People's Party. Let us all revolutionary parties unite, first seize the southern provinces, and then demand a parliamentary system from Yuan Shikai. Let the National Assembly hold power. If the People's Party is willing, we in the Huaxing Society are willing to join with the elders of Hunan to jointly nominate Chen Wenqing as the Great President. Since you are all here, that's perfect. Let's work together to persuade the People's Party to join in this endeavor."

"Hmph!" Hu Hanmin gave a cold laugh. "You think Chen Wenqing will really agree to this? I think he might even support Yuan Shikai instead."