The comprehensive conscription across the four provinces of the base area was a truly momentous event. Aside from land reform, it was perhaps the first undertaking that could be called a unified strategy. One of the key points of the compulsory military service system was the deployment of troops away from their home regions. For example, soldiers from Anhui would serve in the other three provinces outside Anhui. This meant not only raising personnel and forming new units, but more importantly, each province had to make its own arrangements for the stationing and utilization of the army.

The base area never lacked for things to do. From a routine perspective, every task was a top priority. However, in China, 1911 held an event of paramount importance: the convening of the first official National Assembly. Leaving aside the constitution for the moment, this National Assembly would decide the life or death of the Manchu Qing regime. The People's Party had already stated its position: as long as the Manchu Qing remained, the People's Party would absolutely not cease military operations.

So when the Party Central Committee's communiqué reached the other three provinces of the base area, the Provincial Committees all realized a key point of this major conscription drive: "No need to be secretive."

"If this parliament decides on the demise of the Manchu Qing, that is well and good. If any surrounding province dares to vote to support the continued existence of the Manchu Qing, we will immediately launch a military attack against them." Chen Ke had written this clearly in the "Opinions on Conscription Work in 1911."

Since the Central Committee had decided, the various Provincial Committees naturally had no objections. You maintain an army for a thousand days to use it for an hour; the duty of the army is war. Although an important purpose of this conscription work was to establish the military service system crucial to a modern state structure, and the use of the troops was primarily intended for "engineering corps" purposes, troops ultimately require military training, so a war would not necessarily be a bad thing.

The characteristic of universal military service is general conscription. If it was just about making up the numbers, the People's Party certainly had ways. Just as Anhui Governor Qi Huishen asked Chen Ke, "Should we recruit more troops from the Dabie Mountain area?"

Among the People's Party's major sources of troops, the Dabie Mountains bore the brunt. The people in the mountain areas lived hard lives; even under the new system, it was unrealistic to completely change the situation in the Dabie Mountain region overnight. The People's Party now had nearly 200,000 troops; recruiting another 100,000 from the Dabie Mountains would not be too difficult.

Chen Ke rejected this immediately. "Defending the home and the country is not the privilege of the Dabie Mountain region. Every region has this obligation."

The People's Party's comprehensive census work laid a solid foundation for this conscription. Based on a ratio of one in a hundred, with a population of 61 million in the base area, 610,000 troops were to be raised. In the China of 1911, this was a terrifying figure.

Calculating at 50 jin of grain per soldier per month, 610,000 troops would consume 30.5 million jin of grain a month, or 366 million jin a year. Using the base area's grain prices, that amounted to 91.5 million RMB. Grain prices fluctuated these days, but one tael of silver could roughly buy 50 jin of rice. At this price, it was 7.32 million taels of silver. The exchange rate between silver taels and silver dollars was roughly one tael to 2.5 silver dollars. That meant 18.3 million silver dollars.

In the armies of other provinces, each soldier received a monthly pay of five silver dollars, with the Beiyang Army paying even more. The People's Party troops received a monthly stipend of eight RMB. For 610,000 soldiers, that would require another large sum in RMB per year.

Excluding military equipment, just the stipends and grain for the People's Party's 610,000 troops would require 30 million silver dollars in military expenditure annually. This military expenditure was terrifying; let alone a single province, even the entire Beiyang clique could absolutely not come up with this much money. Each province had its own statistics department, and after a casual calculation, the cadres of the various Provincial Committees all turned pale.

Adding in uniforms, weapons and ammunition, equipment for various military departments, and daily expenses, without 60 million silver dollars, it was fundamentally impossible to support an army of this scale. Viewing the army as a purely consumptive unit, militarism meant massive expenditure.

However, the People's Party's method of calculation was never like this. What the People's Party saw was 610,000 people gathered together who could receive a good education. During their three-year service period, these 610,000 troops would be educated and become good citizens. Even after they retired, they would be an extremely considerable wealth of human resources.

How many cadres and workers would emerge from this? How many backbones for various trades and industries? After this massive contingent received training and tempering, the shortage of manpower in the entire system led by the People's Party would be greatly improved. Moreover, before these comrades retired, how much critical infrastructure would they build? In terms of construction, the army was vastly superior to those labor teams organized by the localities. So no one raised doubts. Instead, the construction departments of the various provinces began to enthusiastically plan lists of infrastructure projects to be built in their regions.

However, the People's Party paid a bit too little attention to external changes at this stage. The People's Party's internal affairs outweighed external affairs, but that was only the People's Party's own issue. Every other force was closely watching the impending first National Assembly. For those in power, it was somewhat better, as the situation was effectively already determined.

After Yuan Shikai announced that the members of the previous provisional parliament would automatically obtain status as formal members of the first National Assembly, stability became the overriding effort for all forces already in power.

However, the various opposition political forces did not see it this way. For example, amidst his busy schedule, Chen Ke received news that Sun Yat-sen had sent his own envoy to visit again. Last time, Sun Yat-sen sent Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren to visit. The result was that after leaving the base area, the two chose to withdraw from the Tongmenghui, taking the Huaxing Society directly back to Hunan to continue the actual revolutionary struggle. Chen Ke wondered with some interest: who would Sun Yat-sen send this time?

When the name "Kita Ikki" (North One Fervor) leapt into Chen Ke's eyes, he blinked, confirming he hadn't misread it.

Kita Ikki wasn't particularly famous in history, although some theories considered him the ideological guide of Japanese fascism. But Chen Ke did not support this view.

Kita Ikki (April 3, 1883 – August 19, 1937), originally named Kita Terujiro, was born in Sado County, Niigata Prefecture, Japan, in 1883 (9th year of Guangxu, Qing Dynasty; 16th year of Meiji). In 1906 (32nd year of Guangxu; 39th year of Meiji), at the age of twenty-three, he self-published *The Theory of National Polity and Pure Socialism*, criticizing the "Kokutai" (National Polity) theory centered on the Emperor's sovereignty from a socialist standpoint, thereby emerging in the anti-government socialist movement camp. In the same year, he joined the Geming Pinglun (Revolutionary Review) Society and the Tongmenghui, beginning his thirteen-year career devoted to the Chinese revolution. During this time, in 1911 (3rd year of Xuantong; 44th year of Meiji), invited by Song Jiaoren, he participated in the Xinhai Revolution, active in Shanghai, Wuchang, and Nanjing. Thereafter, Kita Ikki lived in Shanghai for a long time. In 1913 (2nd year of the Republic; 2nd year of Taisho), due to Song Jiaoren's assassination, Kita Ikki formed his own investigation team, intending to investigate the truth behind Song's death, and was ordered by the Japanese Consul in Shanghai to return to his country for three years. In 1916 (8th year of the Republic [sic - should be 5th]; 8th year of Taisho [sic - should be 5th]), due to rising anti-Japanese sentiment among the Chinese populace, he felt there was no longer any place for him to serve the Chinese revolution. Consequently, Kita Ikki began to turn his attention back to Japan. Seeking peaceful coexistence between China and Japan, he advocated overthrowing the current Japanese political system and thoroughly abandoning the traditional policy of aggression against China as a national policy.

In the same year, he wrote *An Outline Plan for the Reorganization of Japan* in Shanghai, advocating the reconstruction of Japan through violent revolution. He returned to Japan at the end of the same year and joined the right-wing socialist movement. In 1921 (10th year of Taisho), he published *A Unofficial History of the Chinese Revolution*, introducing the Chinese revolution and advocating a Sino-Japanese military alliance. In 1927 (2nd year of Showa), Kita Ikki's disciple Nishida Mitsugi founded the Tenken Party (Heavenly Sword Party) in Tokyo, using Kita Ikki's theories as a blueprint for construction, recruiting young officers from across the country to plot revolution. In 1936 (11th year of Showa), he was arrested by the government due to the "February 26 Incident." In 1937 (26th year of the Republic; 12th year of Showa), he was formally charged by the Japanese government as the ideological mastermind instigating the "February 26 Incident" and was executed by firing squad. His theories later became the theoretical basis for Japanese fascist ideology.

The system of the country of Japan inherently had a tradition emphasizing exploitation and oppression; the country inherently had this kind of island-nation mentality. If Japan made any progress, it was the result of forced reconstruction and support by "Daddy America" after occupying Japan. Chen Ke held completely different views regarding the idea that Japan had been castrated of its martial spirit by the United States.

Martial spirit is a characteristic of humanity. Just like in the Korean War, where the Volunteer Army could fight bravely at Chosin Reservoir in temperatures tens of degrees below zero. Where they could endure such brutal combat at Triangle Hill. Because every Chinese soldier did not move forward to throw their lives away; the backbone of the Republic, these most adorable people of the Republic, risked death because they were for victory, because they considered themselves part of this great army, doing their utmost to complete their mission.

In contrast, the "Banzai" charges Japan engaged in at the end of World War II were fully mental breakdowns under the pressure of death. Seeking a quick death, they charged stiffly into American firepower. This was no longer something common to humanity; this was the behavior of a pack of wild beasts that had lost their reason.

Daddy America truly opposed fascism; what he cut out with the scalpel was Japan's bestiality. Once the bestiality was excised, what was revealed was the normal humanity of the Japanese people. The stubbornness, shortsightedness, gambler's mentality, internal chaos, forgetting one's life for petty gain, and sparing one's body in the face of great matters—all these characteristics of this island nation were revealed completely.

In Chen Ke's view, Japan had made no progress in these aspects for hundreds of years. To regard Kita Ikki as the founder of Japanese fascist thought was a gross distortion. Because the country of Japan didn't even have true fascist thought. They just insisted on putting the label of fascism on their own bestiality.

However, Chen Ke was somewhat interested in Kita Ikki. This man was originally a "Guide Party" member [collaborator]. He hoped to personally join the Chinese revolution, and after the Chinese revolution achieved total victory, use this revolutionary force to change Japan's destiny. In a sense, Kita Ikki had many similarities with the Japanese comrades within the People's Party. Kita Ikki left China after the May Fourth Movement; at that time, anti-Japanese sentiment became a trend across China, and Kita Ikki believed the Chinese revolution had turned into a nationalist action, completely giving up the thought of relying on the Chinese revolution. From this angle, this person was quite interesting.

So Chen Ke finally decided to meet Kita Ikki. And incidentally, find out what the hell the revolutionary pioneer Sun Yat-sen was up to. In history, Sun Yat-sen displayed a strong style of "a petty man takes revenge from morning till night." He had Tao Chengzhang assassinated, with Sun Yat-sen providing cover for Baldy Chiang and Chen Qimei. In the assassination of Song Jiaoren, there were many traces on Sun Yat-sen that couldn't be washed away. As for the slaughter of the Guangfu Society, Sun Yat-sen gave Chen Qimei full authority to handle it and did not intervene himself. This showed he absolutely supported the matter.

As for the Party Purge, although the executioner was Baldy Chiang, the plan had long existed in Sun Yat-sen's documents; he simply died too early to implement it. In this regard, Baldy Chiang really was Sun Yat-sen's heir.

Given Sun Yat-sen's disposition in history, there were truly many places where the People's Party could have incurred his hatred. Chen Ke dared not let his guard down completely against Sun Yat-sen.

Kita Ikki hadn't expected it to be so easy to meet the leader of the largest rebel armed force and the largest revolutionary party in China today. Although he had heard many times that Chen Ke was "young," Kita Ikki was still shocked by Chen Ke's youth.

Actually, in 1911, Chen Ke was already 31 years old, a true adult in this era. However, one of the characteristics of modern people is looking young. With good nutrition since childhood, and even after arriving in the base area, Chen Ke's spirit of a Chinese "foodie" led him to spend great effort on improving the masses' food—eating together with everyone, Chen Ke hadn't gone hungry much. Because he was slightly thin, he looked even more like a slender young man. Compared to 31-year-old adults of this era who had weathered storms, Chen Ke's appearance gave the impression of being only 23 or 24.

Really seeing this revolutionary who was 31 years old and had created such an achievement single-handedly, Kita Ikki felt a slight jealousy in his heart. Kita Ikki was three years younger than Chen Ke. But the gap in power between the two had reached a level Kita Ikki feared he could never catch up to in his lifetime. Suppressing this mood, Kita Ikki stepped forward and said respectfully, "Hello, Mr. Chen!"

This respect was not mere politeness. Kita Ikki hadn't rushed his journey after entering the base area. He walked the whole way, personally observing the situation in the People's Party base area. In Chen Ke's eyes, what he saw were the parts that hadn't completed transformation. But in Kita Ikki's eyes, what he saw were the parts where transformation was complete.

Kita Ikki had been moving back and forth between Shanghai, Wuhan, and Nanjing for the past few years. But as Beiyang's Duan Qirui, the People's Party, and Jiangsu Governor Wang Youhong respectively grasped ownership of these three cities, the influence of other political parties rapidly declined in these places. He only stayed in Shanghai and hadn't been to Wuhan or Nanjing for a long time. This trip was Kita Ikki's first time going deep into the Chinese countryside.

Jiangsu and Zhejiang didn't have a huge difference from the base area; both had plenty of water and hills. There were also quite a few people keeping queues in the base area. But these were obviously two completely different worlds. The first thing was the water conservancy projects taking shape everywhere.

The People's Party had a hobby: they loved erecting markers. In every basic plan, there had to be boundary stones. Due to the popularization of cement, tall cement pillars stood there, bearing various regulations. This bold declaration alone showed the extent to which the People's Party's grassroots work had penetrated. This was not something a simple revolutionary party could achieve.

Of course, if Kita Ikki knew the other meanings contained within these round, square, or variously shaped cement pillars, he would probably be even more surprised.

The cement used for each pillar was different. They were not just simple cement pillars, nor just simple steles engraved with explanations; they were part of the many cement experiments conducted by the National Laboratory. The People's Party's National Laboratory cared very much about how this cement would change in different natural environments.

Kita Ikki was proficient in Chinese. The content carved on these steles was all closely related to people's livelihood. Either explanations of projects or the content of various future plans. For example, large-scale irrigation and drainage, various river dredging and road arrangements. Not a single one was to show off the People's Party's majesty, but behind every project or plan represented the true power of the People's Party.

As for the difference between the common people, that was even greater. For instance, having walked so far in the base area, Kita Ikki simply hadn't seen anyone *not* using iron tools. Iron shovels, iron spades, iron hoes, iron rakes—compared to farmers in other regions who tried to use wooden farm tools as much as possible, the farmers in the base area were truly enviable.

Kita Ikki knew that after occupying Wuhan, the People's Party possessed the largest steel base in Asia. But he never imagined that this steel could so deeply become labor tools. He had chatted with farmers, and without exception, they told Kita Ikki that these farm tools were sold to farmers specifically by the cooperatives. And the low price of the farm tools made even Kita Ikki want to buy some himself.

Everyone had three mu of land. Every farmer even had cloth coupons and oil coupons. In particular, the meals hosting Kita Ikki never lacked meat. Especially the stewed pork known as "Chen Family Cuisine" and "Chen Family Baiji Buns"—the rich spices used as seasoning inside were definitely not something ordinary Japanese people could afford to eat. Although he had seen large numbers of feedlots, Kita Ikki still felt this was a bit too incredible. If not for the urging of the reception personnel traveling with him, Kita Ikki would have wanted to understand it more clearly.

As for tugboats and various industrial products from other regions, they weren't necessarily better than what Japanese cities had. The issue was that these were things seen in the Chinese *countryside*. That is to say, the People's Party hadn't simply occupied a few cities, but had solidly penetrated their power into the entire base area. This point alone showed that the People's Party was no longer a revolutionary party, but a genuine government.

For Chen Ke, who had established such an achievement, Kita Ikki could not help but be respectful.

After the host and guest took their seats, Chen Ke asked about Sun Yat-sen's recent situation. Actually, Kita Ikki hadn't been in contact with Sun Yat-sen much recently. A few years ago, because of the incident where Sun Yat-sen accepted money from the Japanese government to leave Japan, Kita Ikki had not hesitated to stand with Zhang Taiyan, Song Jiaoren, and others, criticizing Sun Yat-sen's actions heavily. In Kita Ikki's view, Sun Yat-sen was a completely Westernized Chinese person; his conduct and thinking were all in the Western mode. Sun Yat-sen did not stand on the standpoint of the Chinese people to carry out the revolutionary cause, but wanted to implement Western democratic concepts in China through revolutionary means. Therefore, to achieve his goals, he often spared no means to seek foreign support. So, he placed his hopes for the Chinese revolution on Huang Xing, Song Jiaoren, and others. He believed that the people who could stabilize the situation in China after the success of the Chinese revolution were not Sun Yat-sen, but Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren.

But the situation in China changed too fast. The split of the Tongmenghui did not lead to the revolution dying down; on the contrary, the two indigenous local forces, Beiyang and the People's Party, rapidly became the leaders of the Chinese revolution. Kita Ikki had visited the Tongmenghui branches in Beijing and Tianjin a while ago to observe and study the Beiyang government up close.

His reason for accepting Sun Yat-sen's request to deliver a letter to Chen Ke was certainly to meet this legendary revolutionary leader. But he also wanted to continue deep into the Chinese hinterland, to go to Hunan where Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren were. That was the true destination of his trip.