Chapter 13: # Chapter 13 Uninvited Guest (Part 4)
Volume 5: Heading Toward · Chapter 13
Internal conflict in the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society forced Xu Xilin to seek a meeting with Chen Ke again, only to be given the cold shoulder. Staff told Xu Xilin that Chen Ke had no time recently. While apologizing, the staff member said he would inform Chen Ke of Xu Xilin's request. If Chen Ke found time, he would be notified immediately. In the meantime, Xu Xilin was asked to wait patiently.
This pomp and circumstance annoyed Xu Xilin greatly. When Chen Ke sought to meet Xu Xilin back then, he didn't have this kind of prestige. If Qiu Jin hadn't bought Chen Ke's watch back then, Chen Ke would have had trouble even affording a meal. But being under someone else's roof, Xu Xilin had to accept it.
While Xu Xilin was sulking, Chen Ke was negotiating the loan issue with the American representative. The US was willing to lend, and Chen Ke was willing to borrow. Thus an intent agreement was reached. Turning this intent into actionable content required more arduous and detailed negotiations. On the People's Party side, Chen Ke led the team initially, while a middle-aged man named Samuel Bush took over the subsequent negotiations for the American side.
Samuel Bush's background was quite deep; he was both the owner of a steel enterprise and a member of the Rockefeller financial group. In the negotiation of specific affairs, Samuel Bush demonstrated shrewdness and clear thinking.
The products the People's Party imported were mainly from the steel industry series, which happened to be Samuel Bush's forte. In his records, he recalled his impression of Chen Ke:
"The Chairman of the People's Party, Chen Ke, is a young man. Even as a politician, he still has a quite profound understanding of the steel industry. In some aspects, Chen Ke is more like a cautious and smart tycoon. He does not straightforwardly propose approval or opposition to anything, but cares significantly about the key details within. I followed his train of thought and found that this leader cares very much about how to obtain equipment as soon as possible and put it into operation. This point is my strength. After he cautiously expressed agreement with me, the content of our conversation turned to the repayment of the loan. Like those merchants with outstanding reputation and good conduct, Chairman Chen Ke never boasts about himself or the People's Party regime without reason. On the contrary, he has a worry about repaying on time, and tries to find a method that both sides can believe in. At this time, I proposed my own view."
Chen Ke frowned slightly after hearing Samuel Bush's question. Americans disliked the British. In the first twenty years of the twentieth century, the country the United States wanted to take out the most was probably Britain. So when talking about loan repayment, Samuel Bush proposed, "We don't like the British and the British lackeys." This statement needed careful consideration.
After his brain spun a few circles, Chen Ke asked: "I wonder how Washington actually views the relationship between Japan and Britain?"
Samuel Bush did not answer directly, but skillfully turned the topic to another issue, "As far as I know, your side's raw silk, whether in quality or supply, has a very good reputation in the American market. With raw silk trade as collateral, loan repayment has a reliable guarantee."
"Can Washington control which country raw silk is imported from?" Chen Ke was not too confident about this.
"If Congress can pass the document." Samuel Bush gave the answer.
The entire roadmap was not complex. Americans were hostile to the British and also loathed the British running dogs. As Britain's running dog in Asia, Japan naturally was not welcomed by Americans. Britain tried to hinder American trade in China, while the People's Party was America's largest trading partner in China. Samuel Bush hinted to Chen Ke that the US Congress would very likely pass a resolution beneficial to China in the raw silk trade.
Before China and Japan decided the leadership of East Asia, there was no room for compromise and cooperation; Chen Ke firmly believed this. Raw silk was Japan's most important export material at present, and the United States was the largest market for raw silk. Striking Japan was naturally best. However, Chen Ke did not quite believe the US Congress had such ability. But regardless, this was worth a try. Chen Ke asked: "There should be some key congressmen pushing this matter. What expression should I make to get these congressmen to support this type of resolution?"
"If your side can sign a petroleum trade agreement with us, there will be a considerable number of congressmen supporting such resolutions." Samuel Bush answered Chen Ke's question.
"In principle, I agree to this trade agreement." Chen Ke gave Samuel Bush a positive answer.
During the recess, You Gou was very puzzled by this inexplicable suggestion. She asked: "Why start from debt repayment, turn to raw silk trade, and after circling a big loop, actually land on petroleum? Why are the Yankees so troublesome?"
Chen Ke had to explain: "Currently in the Asian market, the British Asiatic Petroleum Company occupies the dominant position. The United States is currently the world's largest oil producer, yet the oil pricing power is monopolized by the London Exchange. The suggestion Samuel Bush proposed is to show the US Congress that this huge market of China will open to American oil enterprises. Since the oil between China and the US is calculated in US dollars, it is equivalent to breaking the British monopoly."
You Gou still didn't figure out this issue, but Wang Bin basically understood it. He asked: "Is what this Yankee said credible?"
"In international trade, don't mention such feeling-hurting words as trust." Chen Ke replied.
Hearing this answer, Wang Bin laughed dryly a few times. He just wanted to very implicitly express opposition to Chen Ke agreeing to the oil contract with the US so easily, but he didn't expect it to be too implicit, so much so that Chen Ke didn't notice at all. Looking at it now, Chen Ke probably had long hoped for this kind of contract, only if the American side didn't mention it, Chen Ke wouldn't actively request this kind of business.
This kind of practice hadn't happened just once or twice. The comrades consistently hadn't figured out how Chen Ke judged in advance which businesses were truly useful to the People's Party. Facts proved that even if it looked dangerous in the early stage, Chen Ke could always grasp the business most beneficial to the People's Party. No matter if the foreign devils had glib tongues or used coercion and bribery, Chen Ke remained unmoved, steadfastly choosing cooperation projects according to the judgment he had made long ago. Wang Bin sincerely admired this ability to sit firmly on the fishing platform waiting for the fish to take the hook.
"Comrade Wang Bin, do you feel you can take over the subsequent negotiations?" Chen Ke asked.
"Still the negotiation line of waiting for the foreign devils to deliver themselves to the door, and us not demanding anything?" This line of thinking was almost the People's Party's negotiation mode.
"Correct." Chen Ke replied. He felt this era was a bit too lucky. The British realized the side effects of trade earliest, so they had the practice of arms embargo. But the technical barriers in these years were far less strict than in later generations, plus Chen Ke bluffed and cheated to make the foreign devils think the People's Party also had sufficient technical ability. So up to now, foreign merchants recommending various products to the People's Party emerged one after another. Chen Ke only needed to screen the merchants delivering themselves to the door based on the technology and economic development route he had seen in the downstream of history. This really saved too much effort. But there is a disadvantage to every advantage; this judgment ability was precisely what Chen Ke could not teach the comrades. He couldn't even bring out a reasonable explanation that could completely justify itself. If he explained forcibly, the result would probably be worse than not explaining. So at the present stage, Chen Ke could only not explain.
While Wang Bin negotiated, the National Defense Science and Industry Committee and the Military Commission held a joint meeting to discuss integrating industrial departments and formulating wartime control plans. Three days later, when the first draft of the integration outline was brought out, Wang Bin also agreed on a general loan idea with Samuel Bush.
This was a package plan. The US would lend 200 million US dollars to Chen Ke. Chen Ke would pay 15% in gold to the US at the gold price when the contract was reached. The rest would be mortgaged with raw silk trade. Samuel Bush would help Chen Ke contact some manufacturers to provide machinery and equipment to Chen Ke at preferential prices. At the same time, the People's Party reached a long-term oil supply contract with the US. The trade of this contract was not within this loan. Both sides would conduct separate negotiations. Moreover, the People's Party had to guarantee that within three years, this loan and any trade proceeds between the People's Party and the US would only be denominated in US dollars. The People's Party could not exchange US dollars for gold.
If other countries looked at it, the Americans made a big profit on this deal. In the current gold standard era, not being able to exchange US dollars for gold meant losing a considerable part of the currency's value. Fortunately, Chen Ke didn't care about this, and the People's Party comrades didn't have a deep enough understanding of the gold standard. Even if the comrades in the Central Committee felt uncomfortable, they still passed this agreement.
Sending away the American representative, Chen Ke finally had time to see Xu Xilin. Xu Xilin no longer hid anything this time and directly asked Chen Ke how to bridge the internal contradictions of the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society.
In the history Chen Ke had seen, political parties or individuals attempting to bridge class contradictions and take the third path were as numerous as the hairs on an ox. Anyway, Chen Ke had never seen any case of a so-called third path succeeding. No matter how wonderful the concept looked, it couldn't defeat the reality that "distribution is a zero-sum game". Facing Xu Xilin's distress, Chen Ke even felt somewhat sympathetic. He patiently explained to Xu Xilin for a long time, but Xu Xilin stubbornly believed that as long as each side took a step back, the sky would be wide.
"Brother Bosun, what exactly do you prepare to say to me? You might as well speak directly." Chen Ke forcibly interrupted the persuasion and education, asking straightforwardly.
In the conversation, Chen Ke realized he was a bit too naive. Those political forces in history that tried to take the third route all had a commonality: none of them genuinely wanted to solve the problem by their own strength. Whether taking the capitalist route or the socialist route, as long as the route was pure, they all relied on drinking their own blood to solve problems. Those taking the third path either had abundant natural resources or had external power assistance. As for West Zhejiang's natural resources, they could only be described as at most not starving to death. Since Xu Xilin stayed in the base area and didn't leave, the biggest possibility was that Xu Xilin hoped to get the People's Party's support.
Chen Ke being so straightforward made Xu Xilin feel a bit embarrassed instead. He hemmed and hawed for a while, finally drumming up the courage to say: "Wenqing, I want to borrow one million taels of silver from you."
"And then?" Chen Ke asked.
Xu Xilin was stunned, "And then? If we have money in the future, we will definitely repay."
Chen Ke didn't answer immediately; he felt very disappointed. The Xinhai Revolution was just this level. Even the Guangfu Society, which was considered relatively radical among the late Qing revolutionary parties, revealed its true colors by now. Letting this bunch of people solve problems by themselves was really beyond their ability. This was also helpless; these revolutionaries were born in the Manchu Qing era. They had neither seen the Party's arduous and extremely difficult, moving and tragic struggles in history, nor had they systematically received modern education like Chen Ke. Persisting until now in the face of cruel reality without tossing the common people about like the Kuomintang, at least the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society could be considered to have done their utmost.
But what surprised Chen Ke himself was that even though he recognized Xu Xilin's personal character, Chen Ke had absolutely no intention of "lending money" to Xu Xilin. No matter what mentality the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society held, judging from their current performance, this bunch of guys had no future. This was no longer "lending money" but giving money. Giving money to Xu Xilin this time, what about next time? Could it be that he would continue to give?
The old saying goes, a peck of rice creates gratitude, a bushel creates hatred. Human mentality is just so strange. Since the Guangfu Society knew they definitely couldn't afford to pay back the People's Party's money, they probably wouldn't even have the minimum attitude of forgetting this matter. They would feel that the People's Party was wealthy and powerful, so lending money to the Guangfu Society was what should be done. If the People's Party didn't lend, the Guangfu Society would probably think the People's Party was "heartless because of wealth".
Perhaps Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin's personal characters were indeed very good, but just as Chen Ke said to Wang Bin a few days ago, "Don't mention such feeling-hurting words as trust." The reason why old sayings are old sayings is because old sayings have been proven countless times. Chen Ke had no reason to use the blood and sweat money of the base area's common people to verify whether the old saying really made sense.
Just wanting to refuse directly, Chen Ke thought again and felt he couldn't do this. Historically, the Party paid great attention to methods in doing things. Scolding people away in a heated moment, the Party would definitely not do such a thing. Thinking of this, Chen Ke said seriously: "Brother Bosun, every decision of our People's Party must be discussed through the Party Committee meeting. I cannot make the decision on this matter alone. How about this, I will propose this matter to the Party Committee when convening the party meeting. Whatever result is discussed at the party meeting, I will do."
"Wenqing, your word carries enormous weight in the People's Party. How come you think of the Party Committee on this matter?" Xu Xilin sneered.
Chen Ke couldn't be bothered to say so much. He just answered simply: "The People's Party was indeed initiated by me, and the Party Constitution that everything must be discussed by the Party Committee was also formulated under my lead. So I myself must abide by the rules I set."
Upon hearing Xu Xilin's request for 1 million taels of silver, everyone in the Party Central Committee showed quite unfriendly expressions. Fortunately, Chen Ke had communicated with Hua Xiongmao before the meeting, so when the comrades' gazes focused on Hua Xiongmao's face, he could also maintain calm.
"This matter absolutely won't do." Lu Huitian immediately stated his position.
"If we don't give a penny, it equals tearing off the face with the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society. Whatever the case, let's not make it so we are surrounded by enemies on all sides." Zhang Yu supported giving a little.
"According to what Chairman Chen said, the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society actually wants to bridge class contradictions. This is too imaginative, isn't it?" You Gou laughed.
"I feel compared to other forces, our People's Party unswervingly following the class struggle line is what's truly imaginative. This is a revolutionary road never before taken by ancients." Hua Xiongmao smiled bitterly.
"Then what do we do? Do we give a little or give nothing at all?" Chen Ke asked.
"At most twenty thousand silver dollars. This is my bottom line. If it exceeds this number, I will cast an opposing vote." Lu Huitian said unceremoniously.
"Then let's make it fifteen thousand." Zhang Yu spoke up.
No one opposed the number Zhang Yu proposed. Chen Ke thought the proposal would pass just like this. But he saw You Gou raise her hand requesting to speak. After obtaining consent, You Gou said: "Let Comrade Hua Xiongmao go to send the money. There is no need for Chairman Chen to show his face."
Everyone at the meeting felt this suggestion was good. Since Xu Xilin thought the People's Party should be close to the West Zhejiang branch of the Guangfu Society, then the most suitable candidate to send money was none other than Hua Xiongmao. Everyone looked at Hua Xiongmao, waiting for him to speak.
"I'll go. I will tell him just this once." Hua Xiongmao looked at everyone and said seriously.
You Gou waved her hand, "Comrade Hua Xiongmao, you don't need to say anything. Mr. Xu and Sister Qiu are both smart people. You sending the money personally, they will naturally know what is going on."
"I think what Comrade You Gou said is very right. Just sending the money is enough. If you feel it's hard on your face, you don't say a single word. Anyway, a peck of rice creates gratitude, a bushel creates hatred. After giving them this money, just wait for them to hate us." Zhang Yu was completely open-minded about it.
Seeing Hua Xiongmao's face full of helplessness, Zhang Yu turned to Chen Ke, "Chairman Chen, these revolutionaries you mentioned just now, is this as far as they go?"
Chen Ke answered: "If the international environment can give them time, they might still have a chance to develop slowly. Now the international environment doesn't leave time for China. To save China, we have to rely on the people's revolution to sweep away all demons and monsters. Those who can't keep up with the situation are destined to have no future. Those obstructing the revolution are destined to end up like a mantis trying to stop a chariot. As the vanguard of the broad working people, our People's Party doesn't need to consider their thoughts."
"Then I'll ask another question. Chairman Chen, in the future war between us and Beiyang, which side do you think these forces will actually stand on?" Zhang Yu pursued.
"So this time we still decided to support the Guangfu Society with money. As for how the Guangfu Society itself chooses, that is their business. Heaven wants to rain, mother wants to remarry. Let them be." Chen Ke gave the final reply on this issue.
Seeing the comrades nodding in agreement one after another, Chen Ke changed the topic. "There are quite a few Japanese comrades in our party. Before, we didn't pay too much attention to the Japanese comrades' views on the Japanese revolution. But the vast majority of these Japanese comrades hope to complete the Chinese revolution and then push the revolution into Japan, completing Japan's own revolution. I want to gather the Japanese comrades in the near future to see what they actually plan. On this matter, we can also unify our thinking. After all, the Japan issue will have to be solved in the future. This future won't even be too far away."
"Why?" Lu Huitian asked.
Chen Ke repeated the suggestion of the American representative Samuel Bush, "Japan's current economic situation is very bad. If raw silk exports suffer another blow, it's hard to guarantee Japan won't take risks and do something. At that time, the Japanese comrades in our People's Party will be very important. After all, if we go to war with Japan, at most we can inflict heavy damage on Japan. We don't have a navy and cannot attack the Japanese mainland. If the war ends, the Japanese ruling class's vitality will be greatly damaged. They will inevitably squeeze the Japanese domestic people even more ferociously. This must be understood clearly by the Japanese comrades. After all, it is their parent country, and after all, those suffering are the compatriots of these Japanese comrades. Whether they put Japan's interests first or the interest of the People's Party liberating all of China first, I hope the Japanese comrades in the party can think it through in advance."
"Is this considered a loyalty review?" You Gou asked.
"No, no, no," Chen Ke hurriedly expressed opposition to this speech with a heavy flavor of questioning. "These Japanese comrades have always been very loyal to the People's Party. The key lies in that these Japanese comrades have morals and sentiments; they are also bound to be loyal to the Japanese people. In a situation where both cannot be satisfied, everyone will have pain and struggle in their hearts. I feel the earlier they have mental preparation, the better."
This proposal was also passed.
Chen Ke indeed had this intention for a long time. Secondly, the appearance of this Japanese comrade Miyazaki Toten also interested Chen Ke. Since the Party Committee's consent was obtained, everyone went about their own business. Hua Xiongmao went to send money, and Chen Ke ordered someone to invite Miyazaki Toten to his office.
Miyazaki Toten was not tall. If he were tall enough, combined with that face full of beard, he would look very much like the image of Lu Zhishen in Chen Ke's mind. He was already over forty years old at this time. Quietly listening to Chen Ke's outspoken inquiry, Miyazaki Toten said clearly: "Chairman Chen, I set my ambition when I was 17. The current world is a battlefield where the weak are the prey of the strong. The strong behave violently, day by day, and the rights and freedoms of the weak are lost completely day by day. If one values human rights and respects freedom, one must quickly plan a strategy for recovery. If we don't try to prevent it now, the yellow race will be oppressed by the white race forever. And the turning point of this fate actually lies in the rise and fall of China. So I decided to personally go deep into China, visit heroes everywhere, and lobby them to plan great things together. If I find a hero capable of governing the world, I am willing to offer my service like a dog or horse. Otherwise, I will step forward myself, recruit heroes, and establish a foundation that upholds Heaven's will and establishes the righteous path. If China can be revived and extend great righteousness to the world, then India can rise, Siam and Annam can struggle up, and the Philippines and Egypt can also be saved. Widely restore human rights and establish a new era on earth."
Hearing these words from Miyazaki Toten, Chen Ke was really startled. This 42-year-old Japanese middle-aged uncle had this plan 25 years ago. Regardless of his ability, just this insight was very extraordinary. Thinking of this, Chen Ke's tone also became much more solemn, "Comrade Miyazaki, if China and Japan go to war, and the life of the Japanese people becomes even more destitute after the war, what would you think? You know, the endurance spirit of the Japanese people is really strong. If many measures of the Japanese ruling class were put in China, it would have long been a situation of beacon fires everywhere. Moreover, before China and Japan decide who leads the East Asian situation, the Japanese people will suffer more bitterness. As a Chinese, I can certainly push this problem to the Japanese government and the Japanese people. I can say with a clear conscience that this is the enemy country's problem and naturally must be solved by the enemy country itself. But I cannot ask the Japanese comrades to think this way. I wonder how Comrade Miyazaki views this matter."
Miyazaki Toten looked at Chen Ke seriously and said after a long time: "Chairman Chen, you are a great hero I have never seen before. After contacting the people's revolution, I finally determined that the Japanese revolution is unlikely to erupt from within. It must be intervened by a powerful external force, or even conquered militarily to work. So before China thoroughly leads the East Asian situation and thoroughly overthrows the Japanese reactionary government, I naturally remain completely loyal to the Chinese revolution promoted by the People's Party. However, what I want to know is, after you lead the People's Party to seize the victory of the Chinese revolution and lead the Japanese situation, what kind of new world do you actually want to build? What kind of relationship will countries like China and Japan have in your future new order? I would like to ask you to tell me clearly."
PS: Double update today. The next chapter will be released at 12:00 noon tomorrow. Book friends accustomed to waiting for updates at night, please pay attention to rest.