Given Chen Ke's age, he harbored a strong hostility toward Japan. Although he read Japanese manga, watched new anime releases, and downloaded Japanese adult videos, the overall aversion triggered by historical issues and the natural antagonism arising from Sino-Japanese competition often allowed his personal emotions to affect his considerations for the country. Moreover, the competition between China and Japan had lasted for a century. It wasn't until 2011 that China's GDP surpassed Japan's. Military power capable of forcing the United States not to intervene, and then exerting more effective pressure on Japan, came even later. Hearing Miyazaki Toten ask about his vision for the future new order, Chen Ke was momentarily at a loss for words.

However, refusing to answer was not realistic, because Miyazaki Toten was a Japanese Pan-Asianist Chen Ke had never met before. In fact, most of the Japanese who believed in establishing a new Asian order led by China had died out long before Chen Ke was born. Seeing such a steadfast one with his own eyes, Chen Ke was caught off guard. Fortunately, he had recited the mandatory political exam questions many times. He spoke slowly: "The future new order will be a grand alliance of socialist countries. No, it doesn't even have to be socialist countries, nor does it have to be in the form of an alliance. Every country should have the right to choose its own destiny and path. Nations should respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, refrain from mutual aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. This is the new order I hope to establish."

"You mean Chairman Chen believes that the future China and Japan should be equal nations? Even if China liberates Japan, Japan's independent status should be restored?" Miyazaki Toten asked in some surprise.

"Not only equal to each other, but we also respect the choice of the Japanese people. Of course, the premise is that the Japanese people are no longer manipulated and fooled by the current ruling class. The liberated Japanese people will decide what kind of political system the People's Japan should establish. I don't believe that coercion is needed between nations. Where there is oppression, there is resistance. The eyes of the people are discerning. No matter how clever the political maneuvering, once the class stance is determined, the actions of the exploiters will be seen through by the people in their repeated violations of the people's rights. On this point, I have always believed in the people," Chen Ke replied.

Miyazaki Toten had thought Chen Ke wanted to establish a new order where China was completely dominant, just without the naked oppression of imperialism. But he didn't expect Chen Ke's vision to be so vastly different. Great powers respecting the choices of small nations, strong nations respecting the status of weak ones—this was something that only existed in ideals. Miyazaki Toten was forty-two years old; he was no longer the seventeen-year-old youth full of absolute justice and axioms. But hearing such long-lost justice from Chen Ke's mouth, he couldn't help but be moved. Fearing that Chen Ke was just speaking off the cuff, Miyazaki Toten quickly followed up, "Chairman Chen, how do you plan to realize such an ideal?"

"Between nations, regardless of size or strength, there must be mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. These are the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence." Speaking of this, Chen Ke was naturally very familiar with it. The explanation of this issue in political textbooks was quite perfect; there was no stinginess fearing loss, nor the foolishness of pretending to be generous with empty promises. Most importantly, if Chen Ke got the content wrong, the teacher grading the exam wouldn't give him any points.

Hearing this highly operational answer, Miyazaki Toten knew that the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" was completely different from the naked law of the jungle of the current international order. If this were really implemented, disputes between nations would be handled within a controllable range.

Even if his initial worries hadn't completely vanished, Miyazaki Toten already believed that Chen Ke was not an imperialist. He hadn't been in the base area for long, and he hadn't completely forgotten many Japanese habits. Miyazaki Toten placed his hands on his knees, straightened his back, and bowed respectfully to Chen Ke, "Chairman Chen, please allow me to be of service to you."

"The interests between nations most easily blind people's minds. Even if the border line might not be visible to the naked eye, the border line in the heart might be higher than the sky. 'What do the people of an enemy country have to do with me?' This is the most common thought. If Comrade Miyazaki continues to work with us in the People's Party and encounters unacceptable issues, please explain it to face-to-face according to the People's Party's system. Because even the systems we set ourselves may deviate from the original intentions for one reason or another," Chen Ke said seriously to Miyazaki Toten. While these words were for Miyazaki Toten to hear, Chen Ke was also warning himself not to deviate from the foreign policy established by the Party. After all, when New China was contained by Europe and America, it was relying on this policy that China forged deep friendships with many countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

"Hai!" Miyazaki Toten bowed his head deeply again.

Chen Ke quickly stepped forward and held Miyazaki Toten's shoulders. "Comrade Miyazaki, don't use such etiquette. Since you are in the People's Party, even if we are excited, we only shake hands. Everyone is equal. If you do this, I can't help but want to bow to you too."

As soon as he said this, Miyazaki Toten excitedly grabbed Chen Ke's hand. "With China's 400 prefectures, only such a great country could produce a hero with a heart like Chairman Chen's. I only hope that the Chinese revolution succeeds soon and liberates Japan as early as possible."

After waiting for Miyazaki Toten's excitement to pass, Chen Ke was able to smoothly ask about the situation of Japanese socialists. Miyazaki Toten smiled bitterly, "The Japanese government views socialists as a scourge. Anyone who dares to attempt to shake the Japanese order, the Japanese government will do its utmost to slaughter. The Sekihōtai in the Boshin War were executed. After the Meiji Restoration, rice riots continued in Japan, and the government was particularly guarded against and suppressed socialists. In the High Treason Incident, Kōtoku Shūsui and other patriots were brutally killed. Many socialists were imprisoned. Those who publicly advocated socialism were almost wiped out, and progressives are all in danger. I am untalented, but I heard I was also listed as a Class A socialist by the Japanese government and suffered from surveillance. I barely managed to get from Japan to China two years ago. As far as the current situation in Japan is concerned, socialists have no influence, let alone any organization. Therefore, I strongly agree with Chairman Chen's statement that to promote socialist revolution in Japan, it must be forced in from the outside."

With Miyazaki Toten's account, coupled with the People's Party's investigation summary, Chen Ke could finally determine why Japan had never been able to break out in a socialist revolution. When reading history books back then, after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, the Japanese side actually proposed to Chiang Kai-shek to form an "Anti-Communist Alliance." At the time, Chen Ke completely couldn't understand why the Japanese devils invading China would come up with such a stupid rhetoric. Now it seemed that the Japanese side was genuinely anti-communist. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, anti-communism was basically a consistent policy of the Japanese authorities. It wasn't that Japan only had anti-communist thoughts after the establishment of the Soviet Union. Nor was it that Japan deliberately proposed an anti-communist stance to crack down on the Party established in 1921.

Having determined this issue, Chen Ke said: "Comrade Miyazaki, I plan to talk about the position issue with the Japanese comrades in the People's Party recently. At that time, I will need Comrade Miyazaki and other comrades to communicate seriously. Our People's Party does not engage in coercion. If these comrades are unwilling to stand on China's side in terms of national interests, we will absolutely not purge or suppress them. I only hope that the Japanese comrades can tell the truth. Those who have different paths cannot plan together. If they don't want to see future Sino-Japanese disputes or even war, everyone can part on good terms. Comrade Miyazaki needs to participate more in this ideological work."

Not purging or suppressing was one thing, but Miyazaki Toten didn't expect Chen Ke to implement a policy of parting on good terms for comrades who chose to leave. He asked in surprise: "Is Chairman Chen not afraid that after the Japanese comrades leave, they will leak the internal situation of the People's Party to the Japanese government or other political forces?"

Chen Ke shook his head slightly. "We, the People's Party, have nothing to hide. It is a people's revolution; we are not afraid of the people knowing the People's Party's platform and policies. We even very much hope that the people can fully understand them. It is easy to understand these things; even without internal comrades leaking them, intelligence personnel can be very clear about them after living in the base area for a year or so."

"That is excellent." Miyazaki Toten nodded repeatedly. "Chairman Chen, I have another matter. I wonder if Chairman Chen has contacted Korean revolutionary patriots?"

"Korean revolutionary patriots?" Chen Ke found Miyazaki Toten's topic quite unexpected.

"Yes, Korean patriots." Miyazaki Toten nodded heavily. "I once had contact with the Korean Gaehwa Party (Enlightenment Party). However, after the Gapsin Coup launched by the Gaehwa Party failed, they scattered. Japan won the First Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, monopolizing Korea. Three years ago, after the signing of the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty, Korea perished. The Gaehwa Party finally realized they had chosen the wrong path back then. A group of them ran around for the restoration of their country and even once wanted to seek Yuan Shikai's support. But Yuan Shikai didn't want to offend the Japanese government, and plus many of these patriots had once been enemies with Yuan Shikai, so he ignored them completely. The Sino-Japanese war started with Korea, and the outcome will definitely be decided in Korea in the future. If Chairman Chen is interested, I can help contact the Korean restoration patriots."

Up to now, no Korean patriots had come to find the People's Party. Hearing that Miyazaki Toten was willing to act as a liaison, Chen Ke agreed immediately.

After discussing external issues, Chen Ke felt very relaxed. In the future War of Liberation, Japan's movements would greatly affect the process of the war. If preparations were made as early as possible, there would be at least more choices.

However, this relaxation didn't last long. In March, not long after the Lantern Festival, Sir Humphrey requested to see Chen Ke again. As soon as they met, Sir Humphrey, with a gloomy face, demanded Chen Ke explain why he signed a loan agreement with the United States.

"We'll sign a loan agreement with whoever the f*ck we want." Chen Ke really wanted to shout this at Sir Humphrey, but this was obviously inappropriate. Suppressing his dissatisfaction, Chen Ke said calmly: "We need this loan agreement, so we reached an intention with the American side. And the most important thing is..."

Chen Ke paused slightly here, picked up his teacup, and took a sip. Sir Humphrey stared at Chen Ke's face, waiting for Chen Ke to state the most important key point.

Putting down the teacup, Chen Ke said seriously: "The most important thing is that American goods are cheaper than British goods."

Sir Humphrey never expected Chen Ke to propose such a "most important reason." His expression froze on his face for an instant, and it took a good while to return to normal. Sir Humphrey said with extreme dissatisfaction: "As the old Chinese saying goes, 'you get what you pay for'; cheap goods are not good. The quality and lifespan of American equipment are inferior to similar products from our Britain."

"But American goods are nearly half the price of British goods, and their performance is at least 80% of Britain's. The cost-performance ratio is high," Chen Ke explained. The translator didn't understand the term "cost-performance ratio" (xingjiabi) and couldn't translate it. Chen Ke had to find a piece of paper and list the formula for cost-performance ratio. Only then was this translation problem solved.

"Sir Humphrey, if the mechanical equipment provided by the British side maintains the quality of the equipment we have purchased before, and the price and installation and commissioning services can be the same as the United States', and if the British government is willing to reach a series of agreements with us, we would certainly be willing to reach such a trade agreement with Britain. The reason is simple: if there were such conditions, the cost-performance ratio of British goods would be higher than that of the United States. We have no partiality toward the US government, but business is business." Chen Ke sincerely explained the People's Party's reasons to Sir Humphrey.

For Britain, which currently held global hegemony, business was not just pure business, but concerned Britain's dominance in various fields. Britain had already learned that, with only a listing ceremony remaining, the Federal Reserve, which was actually already in operation, had decided under the lead of several major US financial groups to provide a huge loan to the People's Party. The specific amount of this loan actually reached 200 million US dollars, and the Federal Reserve was even prepared to provide another 200 million dollars in backup loans to the People's Party.

Britain was much better than the People's Party at probing US inside information. There was also inside information showing that a considerable number of people in the US had chosen the flourishing People's Party government between the Beiyang central government and the People's Party local government. The original "Bethlehem Contract" signed between the US and the Manchu Qing government was negotiated with the Beiyang government by the US side after the fall of the Qing. Beiyang was poor as a church mouse, and both the US government and Congress believed that giving money to Yuan Shikai was simply throwing meat buns at a dog—gone forever. Currently, someone had already suggested signing the "Bethlehem Contract" with the People's Party.

The purpose of the "Bethlehem Contract" was for the US to provide special funds for naval construction to China at a very favorable price to strengthen the Chinese navy and deal with the Japanese navy, which was quite strong in East Asia. Japan was Britain's thug in East Asia, and the US was obviously trying to undermine this. If the "Bethlehem Contract" were signed with Yuan Shikai, Britain really wouldn't care. The Yuan Shikai government posed no threat. But the People's Party was vigorous and developing rapidly. If the US signed this contract with the People's Party, given time, the People's Party might really be able to build a maritime force that deterred the Japanese navy. Once China and the US joined hands to deal with Britain and Japan, that would be more of a headache than Germany's Pacific Fleet.

However, reaching comprehensive cooperation with the People's Party was still only the opinion of a minority in the US, and Britain couldn't be sure what the final outcome would be. But the posture of the People's Party rapidly approaching the US still filled Britain with vigilance. If a telegram were sent to Chen Ke, Chen Ke could pretend that no such thing happened. It was impossible for a local consul to ask to see Chen Ke. As a last resort, Sir Humphrey came personally to meet with Chen Ke. Seeing Chen Ke actually use purely commercial reasons to put him off, Sir Humphrey said in a slightly threatening tone: "If your side accepts the US loan, it will break the balance in China. Therefore, we on the British side do not suggest that the People's Party make such a rash decision."

"Hehe!" Chen Ke laughed dryly twice. "Does Sir Humphrey think we will reduce trade with Britain because of debt repayment? Since we guarantee to implement trade balance, we will absolutely not stick to our promise. We will absolutely not use the money earned from the British to pay back the Americans' debt; please be completely assured of this."

"I am not talking about trade balance; I am referring to the fact that your actions will break the current political balance," Sir Humphrey replied grumpily.

"Doing business can break the political balance? Sir Humphrey, you must be joking," Chen Ke began to play dumb.

Sir Humphrey didn't want to joke. He said seriously: "Mr. Chen Ke, I personally think you are getting too close to the American side. This will cause many unnecessary misunderstandings. I hope you can treat this matter with caution. Don't let temporary benefits turn your head."

"Hehe," Chen Ke laughed helplessly. "Sir Humphrey, our People's Party is very poor. Right now, we wish we could split one penny into two to spend. You say we are blinded by benefits, but ambition is short when one is poor. American goods are so cheap, and the American side has also proposed loan conditions we can't refuse. We really cannot refuse. If you don't want us to get so close to the US, then please ask the British side to provide us with loans and trade agreements more favorable than those of the US. If that day comes, please rest assured, we will definitely abandon the US without hesitation and sign such contracts with Britain."

Facing Chen Ke, who revealed the face of a treacherous villain, Sir Humphrey had no countermeasures for a moment. Chen Ke was showing that his agreement with the US had no political purpose and was purely driven by economic interests. Sir Humphrey had wanted to simply set a trap first, pretending to sign an intentional agreement with the People's Party to ruin this loan and business deal first. But he immediately recalled that the British had done this several times before, and the results were all seen through by the People's Party. The People's Party officials negotiating with the British were all shameless characters. They insisted that the British transport the equipment to China and complete the installation and commissioning earlier than the US, and then the People's Party would naturally tear up the contract with the US.

Since it was a scam, the British naturally couldn't do this. They had to watch the Americans transport the equipment to the base area and install and debug it at an amazing speed. Once these devices were running normally, the British themselves couldn't bring up those scams to snatch the contract. Since the People's Party was as rogue as the Yankees, deceptive methods would probably be useless.

Sir Humphrey educated Chen Ke earnestly: "Mr. Chen, I still hope you can view this matter rationally. You must know that China has gained peace with great difficulty. The current situation in China is in the interest of all countries and also in the interest of the People's Party. If this balance of peace is easily broken, I think it is irresponsible."

Chen Ke cursed in his heart after hearing this, but on his face, he looked even more sincere and helpless. "We are really extremely short of money right now. Various factories need equipment. If the factories don't start work quickly, the huge unemployed population will rebel. With our meager family fortune, we can only take this opportunity to buy cheap goods. We very much want to maintain a good relationship with Britain. Even if we sign this loan agreement, we can guarantee that we will absolutely not stand on the Americans' side. However, we also hope that the British side can understand our difficulties. If we can't even sustain ourselves, wouldn't the current balance also be broken? Moreover, everything right now is just an agreement, things on paper. According to a Chinese saying, this is called 'the eight character hasn't even had the first stroke written yet' (nothing is official yet). The Americans probably won't lend to us yet. Speaking of which, Sir Humphrey, you came to find me in such a hurry; did you get some inside information?"

Sir Humphrey was completely in despair over Chen Ke's stubbornness. It was even more impossible for him to tell Chen Ke the inside information the British had heard. He shook his head, "We also just heard some news. We can't control what those Yankees will do." Because of his annoyance, Sir Humphrey couldn't help but use a rather impolite term for Americans.

Chen Ke pretended not to know and said sincerely: "Sir Humphrey, if you have any latest internal news on this matter, please be sure to tell us. Fearful that the Americans would make things difficult for us, I even put on airs. Thinking back now, I'm a little scared. Americans are petty; I hope they don't hold a grudge against me."

"I see," Sir Humphrey responded coldly and rose to leave. On the way to the Wuhan Consulate, Sir Humphrey felt that perhaps he should notify home and let them think of a way to create some rumors between Chen Ke and the Americans. If the fortress couldn't be breached from the outside, then breach it from the inside. In military attacks on fortresses, rumors were always a method preferred by military generals. Many times, the effect of rumors was even more effective than real swords and guns.

However, Sir Humphrey didn't immerse himself in this dark imagination. He analyzed the current situation slightly. Since the People's Party might get a loan from the US, Britain's policy toward China couldn't continue to waver like this. Since Chen Ke refused to sign the treaty and refused to actively take refuge with Britain, in order to maintain the balance in China, even if Yuan Shikai was a bastard, he was Britain's first choice. Moreover, judging from Yuan Shikai's performance, what he lacked most right now was money. After providing Yuan Shikai with a certain amount of aid, Beiyang might not necessarily be unable to rival the People's Party.

Turning his head back to look in the direction of the People's Party Hunan Provincial Committee, Sir Humphrey cursed viciously in his heart: "Chen Ke, you asked for all of this."

Lu Huitian, who participated in the negotiation, really admired Chen Ke's almost ruffian-like straightforwardness, while Zhang Yu, who also sat in, praised it greatly. When it was time to tell the truth, Chen Ke didn't mention a single lie. As for the parts where he should tell lies, Chen Ke spoke even more sincerely than the truth. Anyway, throughout the meeting, what Chen Ke emphasized was development; it was impossible for anyone to associate it with the fact that the People's Party had currently entered a stage of intense war preparation.

"Chairman Chen, what if the British side spreads rumors unfavorable to us?" Lu Huitian was a little worried.

"Rumors are rumors because some people believe them in the first place. After hearing rumors from others, they will think this is the truth. Americans may not necessarily disbelieve British rumors, but Americans firmly believe that the British are enemies. If they judge that the result of the rumors is beneficial to the British, Americans may not necessarily persist in believing them. At this time, if investigation reveals that they are indeed rumors, Americans will no longer believe anything the British say. Even if the British tell the truth, the Americans won't believe it. So whether the British spread rumors is no longer important. The key is the Americans' attitude."

Chen Ke explained the current situation when he didn't look happy at all.

"What other moves will the British have?" Zhang Yu asked.

"I'm afraid the British will start arming Yuan Shikai, and the scale of the war will become larger and larger," Chen Ke said helplessly.

Lu Huitian and Zhang Yu had actually already thought of this result. Even if the base area was booming, its industrial strength was far from being a match for the British. Beiyang was not a straw bag; even if surrounded, it wouldn't collapse immediately. They could still fight desperately with guns and cannons. Facing a stubborn enemy, the People's Party would pay a price no matter what, perhaps even a considerable price.

The People's Party's strength might increase, but Yuan Shikai's strength would also increase, perhaps even at a faster speed than the People's Party. Thinking of such a future, Lu Huitian and Zhang Yu couldn't be happy no matter what.