赤色黎明 (English Translation)

— "The horizon before dawn shall be red as blood"

Chapter 159: Three Thousand Li of Rivers and Mountains 4

Volume 5: Heading Toward · Chapter 159

After Takahashi Korekiyo left, Yamagata Aritomo only ridiculed this "Prime Minister" with a sentence, but the high-ranking generals of the Army Ministry in Yamagata Aritomo's house were already bristling with anger. In the Japanese Army, one cannot admit tactical failure. Admitting failure means one must "bravely take responsibility," which would mean a large number of people would need to commit seppuku to apologize. Except for the 19th Division Commander who fled back, the other several divisions were all annihilated. This meant no one could "bravely take responsibility." If no division commander bravely took responsibility, then the responsibility could only fall on the heads of the living. Someone in the Army Ministry had to be brave.

The People's Party is the Party commanding the gun. Commanders at all levels are basically Party members. Party committees, command operational meetings, commanders' pre-battle mobilization meetings and discussions, post-battle discussions. The many meetings that integrate the whole army seem complicated, but after such discussions covering almost the entire force, responsibilities become clear. If problems arise in any link of the operation, it is extremely difficult for anyone to truly shirk responsibility.

The Japanese Army Ministry is different. The hierarchy makes this army itself full of various inequalities, and lower-ranking soldiers are even more unequal than other soldiers. Asking senior officers to take responsibility is fundamentally unrealistic in Japan.

However, cursing Takahashi Korekiyo solves nothing. Yamagata Aritomo couldn't be bothered to curse these juniors in the Army Ministry. Instead, the old man mentioned several times the incident when Emperor Meiji forcibly recalled him from Korea to Japan. Yamagata believed that if Japan had been firmer then and attacked Beijing with all its might, forcing the Manchu Qing government to completely cede the Northeast would have been very easy.

The generals and officers of the Army Ministry listened to the old Marshal's complaints, not daring to show the slightest disrespect on their faces, but they couldn't help mocking him in their hearts. If Emperor Meiji hadn't recalled Yamagata Aritomo to Japan back then, Yamagata Aritomo would have had to commit seppuku to apologize for his defeat. How could it be his turn now to complain and curse like this?

"Your Excellency, are we to let Takahashi Korekiyo spread defeatist remarks?" the Vice Minister of the Army asked Yamagata Aritomo.

As the saying goes, the older, the wiser. Yamagata Aritomo didn't want to wipe the asses of this bunch in the Army Ministry at all. War is more realistic than anything. No matter how much they talk about "Seven Lives to Serve the Country," Yamagata Aritomo knew very well that every general and officer in the Army Ministry expected to "Seven Lives of Victory" by participating in a victorious war, not to die in vain in a failed war. After the tragic war in Northeast China, the Japanese Army had already lost the will to compete with the People's Party on the snowy battlefield. The Battle of Qingdao also proved that winter was not the decisive factor for the People's Party to annihilate Japanese divisions. Regarding how to fight future wars, the Army Ministry had not yet come up with a clear line of thought. Even the only consensus in the Army Ministry, that "the war must go on," was subject to debate regarding exactly when and under what circumstances to continue the war.

"If that servant Prime Minister can drag the British in, it wouldn't be a bad thing," Yamagata Aritomo said.

The people in the Army Ministry were stunned at first, but soon understood Yamagata Aritomo's thinking. What the Army needed now was time to reorganize the troops. Japan currently had 21 regular divisions and four mixed brigades. The total strength was around 700,000 men. Since the start of the Battle of Qingdao, the Japanese Army had successively had four divisions and one brigade annihilated as organized units. Adding other losses that definitely amounted to a brigade's strength, five divisions had already been wiped out on Chinese soil. Even if the logistical units of these five divisions that remained in Japan were not annihilated, the troops killed on the front line alone exceeded 100,000. Plus the South Manchuria Railway (Mantetsu), which was closely related to the Army, being exterminated by the People's Party, the Japanese Army's total losses exceeded 150,000.

Generally speaking, if a force loses 30% of its troops, it can be considered to have lost combat effectiveness. The Japanese Army had now lost over 20% of its strength, very close to the danger line of losing 30%. If the war continued, the 8th Division in Korea would have to face tens of thousands of troops rushing into Korea from Northeast China. In terms of combat power, the 8th Division could not resist no matter what. If the 8th Division were annihilated, Japan's 21 regular divisions would be left with only 16, fewer than at the end of the Russo-Japanese War 10 years ago.

Not admitting defeat is one thing, but preventing the war from expanding in the short term and letting Japan gain a chance to catch its breath is not a bad thing. If the British can be thoroughly dragged into the war, Japan might even be able to turn defeat into victory.

"But Takahashi Korekiyo is now demanding the Army admit a tactical defeat. His purpose is to limit the size of the Army," said the Vice Minister of the Army.

"Takahashi Korekiyo not only wants to limit the size of the Army, but also the size of the Navy. Do you think those in the Navy can't see through this?" Yamagata Aritomo sneered. "This servant Prime Minister wants to suppress Japan's armaments across the board to save money to promote his economic plan. His longer-term goal is to establish the sound democratic politics he fantasizes about. Saionji Kinmochi wants to promote constitutional politics and some 'Japan of the World'. They just don't understand that the world today relies only on strong military power. If we had taken advantage of the collapse of the Manchu Qing to fight into Manchuria and annex Manchuria and Mongolia, how could there be the current predicament?"

The generals of the Army Ministry all knew that Yamagata Aritomo had proposed this military plan when the Manchu Qing collapsed, but Saionji Kinmochi tried hard to support the Beiyang government. Although it expanded Japan's interests in China, he was repeatedly criticized by Yamagata Aritomo. Criticizing Saionji Kinmochi was a common occurrence for Yamagata Aritomo, but the Army Ministry generals noticed that Saionji Kinmochi did not advocate fighting to the death with the People's Party immediately this time.

"Send another five divisions to Korea, and at the same time send someone to tell Takahashi Korekiyo that the Army Ministry will absolutely not lose the courage to attack because of this small setback. Ask Takahashi Korekiyo to allocate pension funds. If he can do that, I think everyone should work together at this juncture," said Yamagata Aritomo.

The Army generals quickly understood the meaning in Yamagata Aritomo's words. If Takahashi Korekiyo did not accuse the Army of failure, continued to pay war funds, and quietly took out the death pensions, then the Army Ministry could support Takahashi Korekiyo's "reckless actions" at this stage.

The first two naturally went without saying. The Army Ministry's biggest headache was the pension issue. According to the situation the Army Ministry understood, most of these 150,000 people were war dead. The Army Ministry harbored great anger towards these war dead. They not only ruined the military superiority over China that Japan had established over the years, but the more practical content was that large sum of pension money. Although these Army officers and soldiers all died on the Chinese mainland and could be temporarily dealt with as "unable to verify," the truth would come out sooner or later. How would the Army Ministry face the families of those war dead then? So the pension had to be prepared. As long as there was money, plus manipulating public opinion and silencing mouths, the Army Ministry could suppress the waves of opposition from the people. Otherwise, if the families of hundreds of thousands of dead made a scene, the Army Ministry really couldn't stand it. Takahashi Korekiyo used the excuse of "protecting constitutional government" to overthrow the Katsura Taro cabinet back then. The lesson from the past was only a few years ago.

Although Yamagata Aritomo, like other old men of his age, liked to nag and complain, the old man still saw problems very clearly on such major issues. This made those Japanese Army generals who once had dissatisfaction in their hearts immediately feel great respect again.

Takahashi Korekiyo never expected the Army Ministry's reaction to be so fast. He had just left Yamagata Aritomo's house and returned to his official residence when people from the Army Ministry came to visit. Compared to the Army Ministry's proposed requirements and their consistent stance, it wasn't even excessive. But Takahashi Korekiyo also knew clearly that the Army Ministry would definitely make its own demands.

Sure enough, the visiting Vice Minister of the Army suddenly asked: "Takahashi-kun, are you a patriot?"

Takahashi Korekiyo smiled: "I think patriotism is not something to be eager for quick success and instant benefit, but requires dedicating one's life to serve the country. More importantly, patriotism does not equal being able to override the country with patriotic ideas."

The Vice Minister of the Army sighed slightly, "Takahashi-kun, the current Japanese citizens only know how to shirk responsibility. When encountering difficulties, they don't know how to serve the country wholeheartedly, but push the responsibility to the upper levels. Since this is the case, why not unite Japan under an ideal? Tens of millions of citizens unite in sincerity and serve the country with one heart. Only in this way can we resist the great powers and complete the eternal foundation for the Great Japanese Empire."

Takahashi Korekiyo felt disgusted in his heart. Leaving aside the Army Ministry's ideals, the Army Ministry's rhetoric had a taste of "unchanging for ten thousand years." It was nothing more than that set of uniting all citizens under one ideal and one goal. To put it bluntly, the Army Ministry wanted to take charge of the entire Japan and turn Japan into a large military camp. This was precisely what Takahashi Korekiyo opposed the most.

"I do not oppose war, but I oppose the belief that war can solve all problems. War must be adapted to one's own national strength." Takahashi Korekiyo tried to instill some modern national concepts into this horse-dung head of a Vice Minister again. "In the First Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, we Japan fully utilized the international situation, and with the hard work of you gentlemen, we had a series of victories. But in this war, we Japan are fighting alone, so we encountered various setbacks. However, as long as we stabilize the current situation, the international situation is very favorable for Japanese exports. If we work hard starting this year, we still have a chance to completely solve the debt problem..."

The Vice Minister of the Army looked at Takahashi Korekiyo like he was looking at a monster. It wasn't that the Vice Minister didn't know how large the huge debt Japan owed was. Takahashi Korekiyo actually thought he could pay off the debt. This couldn't help but make the Vice Minister of the Army suspect that Takahashi Korekiyo was crazy.

Although Takahashi Korekiyo did not think the Vice Minister of the Army could understand economics, he still took out a thick plan and put it on the table. This plan was the crystallization of Takahashi Korekiyo's painstaking efforts, covering procurement for the Entente Powers in the European war, economic surveys of various Asian countries and regions, and various assessments and expectations. In the final chart was a prediction by Takahashi Korekiyo: by 1918, Japan might be able to completely pay off all debts by living frugally.

Regardless of whether the Vice Minister of the Army could really understand these economic issues, when explaining to this point, Takahashi Korekiyo's voice was full of enthusiasm. "As long as we get rid of the debt shackles, the Great Japanese Empire will have a bright future. We Japan will definitely be able to stand on the world stage with a brand new posture."

Perhaps moved by Takahashi Korekiyo's attitude, the Vice Minister of the Army also said in a tone full of enthusiasm: "If we can really get rid of the debt, Takahashi-kun, we can join hands and build a new world belonging to the Great Japanese Empire together!"

Takahashi Korekiyo's mood, which was originally overflowing with beautiful ideals, was instantly nauseated by these words. The "new world belonging to the Great Japanese Empire" mentioned by the Vice Minister of the Army, needless to ask, was definitely a new world conquered by military force. The brains of Army horse-dung were like horse dung; there were no wrinkles on them. But Takahashi Korekiyo didn't want to destroy this shred of progress that had been hard to come by. If he didn't have the cooperation of this bunch of Army horse-dung, this diplomatic work really couldn't be carried out.

To save Korea, they had to rely on the British, rely on the Entente Powers. But the negative impact caused to the British by Japan's failed independent action this time could not be dispelled in the short term. After exhausting diplomatic efforts to make the British believe that Japan would not continue to run wild alone, if the Army horse-dungs went back on their word and did this again, all of Takahashi Korekiyo's plans would come to naught.

Holding back his dissatisfaction and uneasiness, Takahashi Korekiyo said: "The most important task at present is to let the British intervene in the immediate situation as soon as possible. As long as Britain demands that the People's Party cannot enter Korea in the name of the Entente Powers, it will play a huge role. After stabilizing the front line in Korea, we will do our best to ensure the import of raw materials from Korea to Japan, and at the same time do our best to participate in the development of Southeast Asia. The unfavorable situation will be greatly improved."

"Then can we no longer mention the matter of punishing the violent Chinese?" The Vice Minister of the Army was very good at climbing up the pole.

Takahashi Korekiyo almost held his nose and replied: "I do not oppose war. As long as the situation is restored at present, and as long as the People's Party acts excessively, there will definitely be a brand new joint army action against China. At that time, I still hope that you gentlemen can kill the enemy bravely!"

Since both sides reached a basic understanding of their positions, the Vice Minister of the Army bargained with Takahashi Korekiyo on the three issues raised by Yamagata Aritomo. Except for the third issue of pension which Takahashi Korekiyo dared not fully agree to, the two sides finally reached an agreement on the other two matters. After finally persuading one of the leaders of the Army horse-dung, Takahashi Korekiyo sent the Vice Minister of the Army away and sat on the sofa exhausted, not wanting to move at all.

But soon, official duties came one after another. The Prime Minister of the Cabinet is not a leisurely job. As long as one is willing to work, there is endless work. Takahashi Korekiyo, who usually worked hard, really didn't want to move again today. The current situation was really incredibly arduous. Whether it was the Army Ministry or the Navy Ministry, they all had a large amount of manpower as support behind them. Takahashi Korekiyo, this Cabinet Prime Minister, was a commander without soldiers. The obedience of the bureaucratic system was merely the attitude of subordinates obeying superiors within the system, and there was no one who had to be loyal to Takahashi Korekiyo. So far, Takahashi Korekiyo seemed to have done a lot of things. But all this was just because others couldn't find a solution to the problem and had to compromise with Takahashi Korekiyo temporarily. He, this Prime Minister, was completely dancing on a tightrope. As long as there was a big change in the situation, all Takahashi Korekiyo's efforts would come to naught.

Precisely because of this understanding, Takahashi Korekiyo let go and went for it. Because he knew that if he failed this time, with the domestic situation in Japan, absolutely no one could drag Japan towards a brighter future in the short term.