160 Three Thousand Li of Rivers and Mountains (5)

Not long after the people from the Army Ministry left, Saionji Kinmochi hurried over to Takahashi Korekiyo's place. "Takahashi-kun, I heard you agreed to the Army Ministry's demands?" Although he knew Takahashi Korekiyo wasn't the type of "simple and honest fellow" who would look up to the sky and howl before going to his death, Saionji Kinmochi hadn't expected Takahashi Korekiyo to be quite so skilled at compromise.

"Yes. What we need now is the sincere cooperation of all Japanese nationals, including the Army Ministry," Takahashi Korekiyo answered very clearly. After speaking, Takahashi Korekiyo took out another proposal, which was a document regarding the supply of raw materials in economic production. "According to the survey results from these past few years, there are abundant mineral resources in northern Korea. If we want to increase Japan's industrial output, we must fully utilize these minerals. Saionji-kun, if we let those enterprises related to the Navy manage the development, do you think they can achieve sufficient efficiency?"

After looking at the columns of data Takahashi Korekiyo pointed out, Saionji Kinmochi was stunned. Judging from the investment and return items, profitability could only be guaranteed if workers' wages were squeezed down to one-third of the level in Japan. Saionji Kinmochi was naturally clear about the level of exploitation in domestic Japanese enterprises; when wages were compressed to this extent, it was no longer a question of wages, but a question of being unable to survive at all.

"Takahashi-kun, what exactly do you mean by this?" Saionji Kinmochi asked in confusion.

"The Army Ministry can achieve this. I want to let those people from the Army Ministry take on this work," Takahashi Korekiyo said.

"How could the Army Ministry possibly achieve this? Do their workers not need to eat..." Saionji Kinmochi had just reached this point when he began to understand somewhat. Now, Saionji Kinmochi fell silent. After a good while, Saionji Kinmochi finally said to Takahashi Korekiyo, "Takahashi-kun, Korea is also Japanese territory now."

Takahashi Korekiyo said with a grim expression, "Korea is Japanese territory, but no one considers Koreans to be Japanese nationals. Saionji-kun, right now we all must face reality. I have pondered this repeatedly over these past days, and only this method can solve the current predicament. Apart from this, we have absolutely no other way. The People's Party is trading with Europe and America on an extremely large scale. If we in Japan cannot boost our trade scale, we are doomed to fail. Moreover, inside Korea, there are plenty of people who do not regard themselves as Japanese nationals and oppose Japan. They must also be dealt with."

Saionji Kinmochi frowned in contemplation. This was not because Takahashi Korekiyo's plan had sparked Saionji Kinmochi's humanitarian sentiments, but rather because Saionji Kinmochi was considering what kind of consequences would arise in Japanese politics after the Army Ministry obtained the mineral development rights in northern Korea.

Takahashi Korekiyo was very clear about Saionji's thoughts. Dealing with the Army Ministry was actually considered simple; after all, the two sides' standpoints were starkly opposed. Any compromise reached at such a time was a compromise that everyone accepted against their will but had no choice but to accept, so it didn't involve more troublesome issues. Takahashi Korekiyo naturally didn't know that in Chen Ke's timeline, Nixon, a die-hard anti-communist in the 1970s, happened to become the key figure in the détente between the United States and China and the Soviet Union. Because no matter what compromises Nixon reached with the communists, it was impossible for anyone within the United States to accuse Nixon of being a "communist element." No matter what compromise Takahashi Korekiyo reached with the Army Ministry, no one in the Japanese political arena would accuse Takahashi Korekiyo of betraying the Constitutionalist faction to defect to the Army Ministry.

However, the Navy Ministry was precisely the group that was difficult for Takahashi Korekiyo to deal with. Because the Navy Ministry naturally believed that Takahashi Korekiyo favoring the Navy Ministry was normal behavior, any matter that allowed the Army Ministry to obtain "benefits" would be considered by the Navy Ministry as Takahashi Korekiyo betraying the Navy faction. What gave Takahashi Korekiyo a slight sense of relief was that Saionji Kinmochi was at least a statesman who used power to establish order and realize policy frameworks, rather than a politician who made the pursuit of profit his sole goal. Even so, Saionji Kinmochi's silence still exerted immense pressure on Takahashi Korekiyo.

After being silent for a good while, Saionji Kinmochi spoke slowly, "The Army Ministry cannot become the leader of the country, but the Army Ministry also represents a portion of public opinion. And the expression of this public opinion must be incorporated within the constitutional system."

Takahashi Korekiyo's gaze toward Saionji Kinmochi instantly filled with respect. Saionji Kinmochi did not want to take this opportunity to fiercely suppress the Army Ministry, but instead attempted to use this opportunity to bring the Army Ministry into the constitutional system. This kind of vision and breadth of mind was extremely remarkable. Although the process involved was destined to be incredibly arduous, without Saionji Kinmochi's support, this idea could absolutely not even be attempted.

Standing up and bowing deeply to Saionji Kinmochi, Takahashi Korekiyo said, "Thank you so much, Saionji-kun!"

Saionji-kun waved his hand. "Takahashi-kun, I once thought that no matter what, I had to protect your position as Prime Minister. Now, I cannot give you this promise."

Takahashi Korekiyo paused slightly, but he quickly understood the meaning within Saionji Kinmochi's words. If Takahashi Korekiyo still appeared as the spokesperson for the Navy Ministry now, then it would be impossible for Takahashi Korekiyo to receive even the bare minimum of trust from the Army Ministry. Since Takahashi Korekiyo was preparing to rely on his own strength to change Japan's situation, he had to appear as a Prime Minister who truly held power, using a consultation mechanism to gain the recognition and cooperation of all sides. Of course, such a Takahashi Korekiyo could not be constrained by the Navy Ministry alone. Everyone he faced was an enemy, and everyone was also a collaborator.

Facing such a challenge and understanding, Takahashi Korekiyo bowed his head to Saionji Kinmochi once again. "Thank you so much, Saionji-kun!"

Since he had a basic tacit understanding with both the Army faction and the Navy faction, Takahashi Korekiyo acted immediately. In his capacity as Prime Minister, he convened a cabinet meeting to coordinate with various factions as well as the industrial, commercial, and banking sectors to push forward Takahashi Korekiyo's "Taisho Revival Plan."

The Army Ministry had originally thought that although Takahashi Korekiyo spoke nicely on the surface, in reality, he would make things very difficult for them. As a result, when they learned that Takahashi Korekiyo was prepared to offer the Korean mining rights with both hands, the Army Ministry heads were all stunned. This was a massive business deal. Originally, these things were controlled in the hands of bankers, and the relationship between bankers and the Army Ministry had always been less than harmonious. Takahashi Korekiyo arranged a series of preferential measures from the banks to the Army Ministry regarding approval, loans, and other aspects. Although this couldn't satisfy the Army Ministry completely, compared to before, the Army Ministry could fully utilize this resource to satisfy the interests of a large batch of small and medium-sized enterprises related to the Army Ministry. Moreover, with the Army garrisoned in Korea, the Army Ministry could also get a share of the pie through methods like dispatching troops to protect corporate interests. Such a good thing was enough to prove Takahashi Korekiyo's sincerity.

The Navy Ministry received other compensation, including export trade and related shipyard orders. The interest groups related to the Navy Ministry likewise saw a massive pie glistening in front of them.

But all of this had one conclusion at the meeting: to obtain these benefits, Takahashi Korekiyo's "Taisho Revival Plan" had to be implemented smoothly. If this plan could not be launched, everything would be a castle in the air. To start the "Taisho Revival Plan," the Japanese ruling class first had to tacitly "acknowledge the defeat of the Manchurian War." Japan's strategy changed from seizing Manchuria to holding onto Korea.

Seeing that the Army Ministry was already completely tempted and would basically agree to this strategic change, the Vice Minister of the Navy could not help but mock at the expanded cabinet meeting, "If we had adopted the strategy of holding onto Manchuria from the very beginning, I'm afraid the situation would be much better now."

As soon as these words were spoken, before the people from the Army Ministry even changed their expressions, Navy Minister Kato Tomosaburo had already slapped the tatami. "Baka! What nonsense are you spouting! Looking at the current situation, we and the People's Party will definitely have a war in Manchuria! There is no strategic misjudgment in this matter!"

Seeing the Navy Minister fly into a rage, the lower-level personnel of the Navy Ministry dared not spout any more nonsense. And Navy Minister Kato Tomosaburo did not stop there; he ordered the Vice Minister of the Navy, "You! Apologize to the gentlemen of the Army Ministry!"

Facing the people of the Army Ministry, whose expressions were indescribable, the Vice Minister of the Navy had to obediently lower his head and apologize. Although the Army Ministry knew that the Navy Ministry was showing great sincerity, they had been defeated after all. This fact could not be changed, so they could not make trouble without reason and expand the dispute. In the end, this matter concluded just like that.

Takahashi Korekiyo knew that the current situation had only temporarily quelled the dispute. In the specific execution of the "Taisho Revival Plan," there would be countless small conflicts, and in the future, contradictions would still erupt rather than be thoroughly eliminated. But that was all a matter for after the "Taisho Revival Plan" showed results. Being able to get the Navy Ministry and the Army Ministry to sit together and reach a consensus on grand national strategy was already a rather satisfying matter. To pursue higher goals right now was in itself an unrealistic fantasy.

The Army Ministry's plan to mobilize another four divisions to be stationed in Korea was passed. Likewise, the plan to expand the construction of Navy merchant ships was also passed. Takahashi Korekiyo even agreed to the plan to tighten belts to restore the personnel and equipment organization of the Sixth and Seventh Divisions.

Facing such plans, both the Army Ministry and the Navy Ministry knew that they could not possibly get anything more from Takahashi Korekiyo now. For all current matters, they could only look to see if Takahashi Korekiyo could allow the national strategy to be implemented smoothly.

After all, Takahashi Korekiyo had made the mess, which was already rotten beyond repair, even messier. If they could pull together in times of trouble for the time being, perhaps there was still a glimmer of hope. If this mess were completely overturned, the worst that could happen to Takahashi Korekiyo would be stepping down in disgrace with a body full of infamy. After Takahashi Korekiyo stepped down, who would be willing to take over the mess? Neither the Navy Ministry nor the Army Ministry was willing.

The British side finally received contact from Japanese Foreign Minister Makino Nobuaki. Upon learning that Japan actually used the reason of "admitting defeat in Manchuria and requesting the Entente Powers to guarantee the security of Japanese territory" to intervene in the mediation between Japan and the People's Party, the British Minister to China was greatly astonished. For the ambitious Japan to be able to make such a low-profile gesture was not an easy thing. But this request was not something Britain could refuse. Britain had no reason to declare war on the People's Party for Japan's interests. However, Japan was at least a member of the Entente Powers. If the People's Party really fought into the territory of a member state of the Entente Powers, no matter who the opponent was, and no matter whether they had the ability to immediately commit to war, the Entente Powers would have to declare war on that country.

So the British Minister quickly sent a telegram to London, and London also quickly sent a reply. "Britain formally presents a diplomatic note to the People's Party, demanding that the People's Party must not invade Japan!"

Since London had clear instructions, the British Minister immediately sent a telegram to Wuhan, where the Central Committee of the People's Party was located, revealing Britain's attitude to the People's Party. At the same time, a special envoy was dispatched to Wuhan to visit the Chairman of the People's Party, Chen Ke.

When receiving the telegram, the Central Committee of the People's Party could be said to be filled with righteous indignation. Everyone thought that Britain's attitude was truly incredibly arrogant. Being biased to this extent could be considered unprecedented. At the same time, some comrades were worried that the Entente Powers were preparing to make a move against the People's Party.

Even though Chen Ke knew that such a statement was nothing compared to the Munich Agreement, he couldn't figure out what exactly Britain was thinking. At such a critical juncture of fierce war, was Britain really prepared to open another front in Asia?

On March 21, 1916, only after the British special envoy Sir Humphrey hurriedly arrived in Wuhan in person did the People's Party obtain clearer information. Sir Humphrey stated that Japan was willing to cease hostilities, and Britain also intended to facilitate this armistice. But no matter what, the People's Party could not attack Korea. Of course, Britain would absolutely not interfere with the People's Party killing invading Japanese soldiers on Chinese soil.

After Chen Ke explained the situation to the comrades, first there was silence, then fierce voices appeared in the conference room. "The Japanese are wimping out just like that?" This voice was not a cheer, but contained immense annoyance.

The Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army was currently preparing to continue combat operations. At this critical moment when the troops' morale was high and their confidence was boundless, no one would feel happy about the British sticking their oar in.

However, Minister of National Defense Hua Xiongmao still tried his best to persuade them, "The Northeast has now entered the days when ice and snow melt, and troop movements and combat operations are encountering greater difficulties. The ice houses that played a huge role in the winter can no longer be used now, and the issue of housing has now been put on the agenda. Four armies, seventy to eighty thousand people, could treat the entire Northeast as their camp in the bitter cold of winter, but now this condition has also disappeared. How to arrange stationing has become a big problem..."

Before he could finish, a comrade from the Military Commission said, "Are we scared just because the British are threatening us?"

Chen Ke waved his hand to stop Hua Xiongmao. "The war to liberate the Northeast has temporarily ended. Fighting in Korea is another war; these two things cannot be conflated."

"Even if we think it's ended, I'm afraid the Japanese don't think it's ended." This was a common worry among many comrades. No one believed that the British were standing on the People's Party's side at this time. After Japan suffered successive major blows, the British were blocking for the Japanese first, waiting for Japan to recover its vitality before attacking again. This possibility was not non-existent.

But Chen Ke, on the contrary, did not have such worries. In his timeline, the Japanese obtained more benefits in World War I, while China was constantly in civil war and its national power continued to plummet. Even so, with the struggle of the Chinese communists and the fierce resistance of the Chinese People's Party, even Chiang Kai-shek did not openly surrender to Japan. The situation could not possibly be worse than that result. So Chen Ke answered, "The British side stated that they are very willing to facilitate peace in East Asia. With the war in the European theater raging right now, the British are speaking from the heart."

"Chairman Chen, you were a staunch supporter of attacking Korea back then," a comrade said.

"Regarding Korea, it's only a question of fighting sooner or later, not a question of whether to fight or not. So I'll say the same thing again: we must seek truth from facts. Let's get the specific situation clear first. Moreover, spring plowing is happening everywhere now. Seizing the time to complete planting is our top priority. If we invest a bit more in infrastructure now, we will likely have a hundredfold harvest in the next year or two. So my view is to agree to Britain's suggestion for coordination." Chen Ke gave his own view.

The comrades of the Party Central Committee naturally knew the importance of construction. Digesting the newly liberated Hebei, northern Shandong, and the Northeast was also more important work. So in the final vote, the Central Committee agreed to the decision to temporarily join the peace negotiations hosted by the British.